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I 




PLATE I 




A PORTION OF THE PARTHENON AND ITS FRIEZE 



A HISTORY OF THE 
ANCIENT WORLD 

FOR HIGH SCHOOLS AND 
ACADEMIES 



BY 

GEORGE STEPHEN GOODSPEED, Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE 
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 



WITH ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND PLANS 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

1904 






LIBRAITV i>f 0ON6KESS 

AUG 17 1904 
. Oooyrffftit Cntfv 

OLA«$ ^XXe. Nol 

^ 14. M- ^ 

OOPV B 



Copyright, 1904, by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 



TROW DIRECTORY 

PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY 

NEW YORK 



^0 

F. M. G. 

TO WHOSE COURAGE, FAITH, AND PRACTICAL 

HELP IN A DARK YEAR, THIS VOLUME 

BEARS ABUNDANT WITNESS 



PREFACE 

This volume owes much to a wide variety of helpers. 
Doubtless, what may be original in it is of least value. 
Accordingly, the author wishes, first of all, to make general 
confession of having drawn upon any stores of pedagogical 
wisdom and any treasures of scholarship which seemed 
to contribute to his subject. In particular, however, 
special acknowledgments are due to some who have 
given personal assistance in the preparation of the book. 
Professors F, B. Tarbell and Gordon J. Laing, of the 
University of Chicago, have made helpful suggestions 
regarding the illustrations. Frances Ada Knox, Assistant 
in History in the University of Chicago, has given im- 
portant aid in the preparation of the manuscript and in 
other ways. The maps, charts, and plans have had the 
skilful and scholarly attention of Mr. Harold H. Nelson, 
now of the Syrian Protestant College, of Beyrout. The 
book has also profited from the suggestions of a number 
of teachers in East and West who have read it in whole or 
in part. Nor should the share of the publishers be for- 
gotten, whose warm interest and generous co-operation 
have made work with them a pleasure. If the book suc- 
ceeds in serving the cause of sound historical learning in 
high-schools and academies, their share in making this 
possible is no small one. 

G. S. G. 

The University of Chicago, 
May, 1904. 



SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS 

The usefulness of this book will depend largely on the 
teacher, and hence one or two suggestions rising out of 
the purpose and method of the author may not be amiss. 

1. The grand divisions into which the book falls are 
those determined by the course of historical progress. 
Each one of these divisions is introduced by a "Prelim- 
inary Survey" of the ground to be covered in the period. 
It seems theoretically desirable and pedagogically useful 
to give the pupil beforehand a bird's-eye view of the chief 
stations along the pathway which he is later to travel 
step by step. But it is suggested that the teacher take 
up this Survey with the pupil, read and expound it to him, 
rather than assign it as a task to be learned without the 
previous preparation that explanation by the teacher 
would give. 

2. The "Helps" which follow the several divisions are, 
perhaps, more elaborate than is usual in books of this 
kind, and therefore may need some explanation. In the 
material that follows each lesser division {e.g., on pp. 
27-28) the design is to afford the pupil several ways of 
reviewing the text of that division. Thus (i) An " Outline 
for Review," arranged in a suggestive and natural order, 
enables him to run over in mind the details of the division 
in its historical progress; (2) a series of "Review Topics" 
gives opportunity for memory work, by suggesting a fact, 
a name, a salient date, for testing his knowledge in par- 



X Suggestions to Teachers 

ticulars; (3) what are called "Comparative Studies" are 
intended to test recollection of previous periods as well as 
reasoning powers by comparison of significant points in 
earlier and later studies; (4) a series of "Topics for Read- 
ing and Oral Report" makes it possible to read intelli- 
gently in a few other works of moderate size on suggested 
topics and, if desired, to report upon this reading informally 
in class; (5) a few subjects are suggested in which the 
illustrations may be used to supplement the history, or 
map exercises are set. 

It is, of course, evident that the purpose of these 
"Helps" is to provide something usable by all classes of 
pupils and to touch on more than one side of the pupiPs 
preparation of his task. 

At the end of the grand divisions {e.g., after Part I), 
^* Helps" for reviewing the entire Part are suggested. 
These consist of a series of (i) "Topics for Class Dis- 
cussion," which embrace subjects which run through the 
entire epoch and to which references to pertinent sections 
are given, and (2) " Subjects for Written Papers," with a 
somewhat wide selection of references to literature. These 
can be assigned early in the study of the epoch or required 
at the close of the course. 

3. Fuller directions and suggestions for using this book, 
with additional material for the use of teachers, have been 
prepared by Miss Frances Ada Knox, of the University 
of Chicago, in collaboration with the author, and may be 
obtained from the publishers. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTORY . i 

I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

Preliminary Survey 5 

1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt . - n 

2. The Early Babylonian Empire 28 

3. The Egyptian Empire S3 

4. The Syrian Empires 43 

5. The World-Empire of Assyria 51 

6. The Median and Kaldean Empires ..... 58 

7. The World-Empire of Persia: its Founding and Or- 

ganization 60 

II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

Preliminary Survey 70 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion in 

East and West 76 

2. The First Attempts at Empire: Athenian, Spartan, 

Theban and Macedonian 118 

3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors to 

the Appearance of Rome in the East .... 208 

III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

Preliminary Survey 240 

1. The Making of Rome 250 

2. Rome's Western Empire 265 

Preliminary Survey 265 

(i) Rome's Defence against Her Neighbors .... 268 

(2) The Union of Italy under Rome 279 

(3) The Struggle with Carthage for the Western Mediter- 

ranean . , 300 

xi 



xii Table of Contents 



PAGE 



3. Rome's Eastern Empire -311 

4. Rome's World-Empire 357 

Preliminary Survey 357 

(i) The World-Empire under the Principate .... 359 

(2) The World-Empire under the Despotism .... 416 

(3) The Breaking Up of the World-Empire and the End 

of the Ancient Period 426 

BIBLIOGRAPHIES FOR STUDENTS 

1. General Works 4 

2. The Eastern Empires 10 

3. Greece 75 

4. Rome — Earlier Period 249 

5. Rome — Principate 359 

6. Rome — Closing Period 427 

APPENDICES 

I. Bibliography tor Advanced Students and Teachers 449 
II. Notes on the Illustrations 455 

General Index 465 



MAPS, PLANS AND CHARTS 

FULL-PAGE AND DOUBLE-PAGE MAPS 

PAGE 

The Ancient East facing 5 

Empires of the Ancient Eastern World . . following 62 
Ancient Greece ........ following 70 

Centres of Mycenaean Civilization . . . facing 77 
Colonies of Phcenicia and Greece . . . facing 90 
Lands of the ^Egean ....... following 118 

Athens facing 133 

Greece at the Time of the Peloponnesian War facing 162 »^ 

Alexander's Empire following 216 ^^ 

Kingdoms of Alexander's Successors . . . facing 230 

Ancient Italy following 240 

Italy in 218 B.C facing 304 

Gaul at the Time of Cesar facing 348 

The Roman State at Successive Periods of its Devel- 
opment TO 44 B.C following 356 '^ 

The Roman Empire in the Time of Augustus . following 364 ^ " 

The City of Rome following 386 '^" 

The Mediterranean World following 400 

The Barbarian Kingdoms facing 427 

Europe about A.D. 800 facing 441 



125 



MAPS AND PLANS IN THE TEXT 

The Battle of Salamis ........ 

The World according to Herodotus 142 

Middle Greece 1^4 

Pylos and Sphacteria , .164 

The Hellespont, Propontis and Bosporus . . . .177 

The Battle of Leuctra 188 

xiii 



XIV 



Maps, Plans and Charts 



The Battle of Issus . . • • 
Alexandria at the Time of Christ 
The World according to Eratosthenes, 200 B 
The Earliest Peoples of Italy 

Early Rome 

The Environs of Rome 

The Punic Wars . . • » 

The Battle of Cann^ 

Carthage ..•••' 

The Battle of Pharsalus 

The World according to Ptolemy, A.D. 150 

Constantinople 



CHRONOLOGICAL CHARTS 



1. The Ancient Oriental Empires 

2. Greek History, 500-331 ^•^' ■ 

3. Greek History, 331-200 B.C. 

4. Roman History, 500^200 B.C. 

5. Roman History, 200-31 B.C. 

6. Roman History, 31 B.C.-A.D. 

7. Roman History, A.D. 285-800 



285 



PAGI 
. 211 

. 213 

• 233 
. 244 

• 252 
. 270 

• 302 

• 304 

• 317 

• 350 
. 390 
. 421 



, facing 67 
following 206. 
following 238 
following 246 
following 266 
. facing 358 
. facing 417 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PLATE 



I. A Corner of the Parthenon and a Portion of 

ITS Frieze-Color Frontispiece 

PAGE 

II. Typical Oriental Heads .... facing ii 

III. Painting from the Wall of an Egyptian 

Tomb /^^^^^ 22^ 

IV. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples . . facing 38 . 
V. Typical Assyrian Scenes .... facing 55 

VI. Reliefs from Gold Cups of the Mycen^an ^ 

Age f^'^^S ^^ 

VII. The Acropolis of Athens (restored) . facing 147 
VIII. The Hermes of Praxiteles . . . facing 149 

IX. The Laocoon Group facing i'] 2'. 

X. The Alexander Mosaic. Color . . facing 212 

XI. Typical Greek Heads facing 218 

XII. Classical Temples f(^<^in 226 '■ 

XIII. Typical Sculptured Figures: Kafre and Posi- 

Dippus /^"'^^ 234 

XIV. Typical Sculptured Figures: Ashurnatsirpal 

and Trajan /^^^'^^ 253 

XV. Typical Coins: Orient and Greece) j^h^^^^^ 290 ^ 
XVI. Typical Coins: Rome . . . .) 
XVII. The Roman Forum and the Surrounding 

BmLDiNGS (restored) facing 315 

XVIII. Typical Roman Heads facing 344 

XIX. Relief from the Arch of Titus . following 380- 
XX. Early Christian Art. Color . . following 394 
XXI. A Room in the House of the Vetth, Pompeii, 

facing 405 

XXII. A Relief from the Column of Trajan . facing 414 

XXIII. Characteristic Roman Architecture . facing 422 

XXIV. Byzantine Art: Christ Enthroned. Color, facing 432 

XV 



A HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT 
WORLD 

INTRODUCTORY 

1. We are to study the history of the Ancient World. To History 
study history is to trace out the growth of human beings Growth 
organized into a society with government, laws, literature 

and religion. History is like a tree, with roots, stem, sap, 
bark, branches and leaves, all joined together, all having 
a common life, all growing as the tree grows. With the 
ancient world we begin at the roots of the tree of human 
history, of which the modern world is the trunk and its 
various peoples the branches. 

2. The value of studying ancient history comes from Ancient 
the fact just mentioned. It is the root of that history of f^l^^^^ 
which we form a part. If the peoples of old had not starting 
learned how to form states and establish laws for the con- 
duct of social life, we should not enjoy the order and pros- 
perity of to-day. As a son inherits the property of his 
father, so we inherit the ideas and forms of government 

and society of our historic ancestors. We have made many 
improvements and additions to what they gave us, but we 
could not have done so if they had not originally made us 
their heirs. Hence, to understand our times, it is necessary 
to know the history of the past, and especially that earliest 



2 Introductory 

past in which men began to lay those foundations on which 
modern hfe is built. 
A Return to 3. Lct US supposc a travcUei making a journey from our 
BlSnifing ^^^^ country back through the centuries to the beginning 
of history. He sails over the Atlantic to England, thence 
crosses to the continent of Europe; he passes through 
Germany and France on his way southward into Italy, 
where his objective point is the city of Rome. There he 
delays to study the monuments commemorating the con- 
quests, the laws and the rulers of the wide and well-ordered 
world that, for so many centuries, centred in Rome. 
Then he takes up his course to the east over the Mediter- 
ranean sea to Greece, breaking his journey for a season 
to enjoy the air of freedom, and to revel in the art and 
literature, of Athens. Still he travels eastward, taking 
ship for the coasts of Asia Minor, and thence making a 
longer sea- voyage southward across the Mediterranean to 
the valley of the Nile. There he admires the marvellous 
achievements of the Egyptians at Memphis and Thebes. 
But he has yet another stage of travel. Passing northward 
along the eastern shore of the sea, he tarries awhile at 
Jerusalem, where the world's chief religion, Christianity, 
was born, pushes on to Damascus, Syria's ancient com- 
mercial centre, and then strikes eastward to the broad 
river, Euphrates. Crossing this, he moves on under the 
shadow of the northern mountains through the fertile up- 
per Mesopotamian valley to the deep and rapid Tigris 
river, on whose banks stands Nineveh, the capital of the 
Assyrian Empire. Thence by raft he glides down the 
stream until, near its junction with the Euphrates, he 
disembarks upon the rich soil of Babylonia, and wonders 
at the strange, yet somehow not unfamiliar, life that 



The Course of Ancient History 3 

greets him. In the markets and temples of Babylon 
his long pilgrimage is ended. He stands at the cradle 
of human civilization; he is in the dawn of human 
history. 

4. Of this long line of countries and of centuries, those The 
which belong to the Ancient World first greet us on com- Anci^ent^ 
ing to Rome. As we enter the Church of St. Peter, we be- History, 
hold the scene of the event that brought Ancient History 
to an end, for here Charlemagne, King of the Franks, was 
crowned Roman Emperor on Christmas Day in the year 
of our Lord 800. Between that event and the earhest 
organized society in the lower valley of the Euphrates 
and Tigris in the fifth millennium before Christ (5000 
B.C.) lies Ancient History — a period, if measured by years, 
at least three-fourths of the entire length of the history of 
mankind. From the valleys of the Tigris-Euphrates and 
the Nile, civilization passed through the regions of the 
eastern Mediterranean and Asia Minor to Greece; Greece 
received and improved upon the eastern civilization and 
taught Rome the secrets of her power and progress; Rome, 
her native vigor refined and guided by Greek civilization, 
became the mistress of the world, the source of order and 
progress to a wider circle of peoples gathered under her 
sway. When, her task accompHshed, Rome handed over 
the world to Charlemagne, who represents the fresh and 
vigorous Teutonic stock of western Europe, the history 
of the Ancient World was completed. Thus the Eastern 
Nations, Greece and Rome, the first three links of the 
chain of history that binds the world together, are the sub- 
ject of our study. The movement of history was steadily 
from east to west; the world grew ever larger; yet con- 
stantly the widening world was more and more united in 



4 Introductory 

the possession of a common culture and at last became 
one under the universal government of Rome. 



GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY* 

West. Ancient History. Allyn and Bacon. 

WoLFSON. Essentials in Ancient History. American Book Co. 

BoTSFORD. Ancient History for Beginners. Macmillan Co. 

Each of these three general histories has its special excellencies and 
defects. They will be constantly referred to in the coming pages. 

* A bibliography for advanced students and teachers will be found in 
Appendix I. 



I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

TO 500 B.C. 

PRELIMINARY SURVEY 

5. The earliest seats of ancient civilization are found The Field 
in Egypt and Babylonia. Egypt lies in the lower valley oriental 
of the river Nile; Babylonia in the lowland where the History, 
rivers Tigris and Euphrates unite to flow into the Persian 
gulf. Both these river-systems have their sources in high 
mountain regions. At regular periods in the spring of 
each year, their waters are swollen by the melting snows, 
or winter rains. These floods pour over the plain and 
carry with them masses of earth which they deposit along 
the banks and at the mouths of the rivers. Thus in the 
course of time they have piled up layers of soil which, 
regularly irrigated by the overflowing waters, are mar- 
vellously fertile. Between the Nile valley and the Tigris- 
Euphrates basin direct communication is cut off by the 
Arabian desert; the upper Euphrates, however, bending 
westward, connects the Tigris-Euphrates basin with the 
series of fertile valleys and plateaus made by the moun- 
tain ranges which run from north to south, parallel with 
the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. Thus this mid- 
dle region, known in general as Syria, is the connecting 
link between the two river-systems, since its southern 
boundary is separated from the Nile valley only by a com- 
paratively narrow stretch of sandy desert. 

5 



6 The Eastern Empires 

Its 6. Looking at the whole region thus bound together, we 

unitT^ observe that it has somewhat the character of a crescent. 
The two extremities are the lands at the mouths of the two 
river-systems — Egypt and Babylonia. The upper central 
portion is called Mesopotamia. The outer border consists 
of mountain ranges which pass from the Persian gulf 
northward and westward until they touch the northeast 
corner of the Mediterranean, from which point the boun- 
dary is continued by the sea itself. The inner side is made 
by the desert of Arabia. The crescent-shaped stretch of 
country thus formed is the field of the history of the ancient 
Eastern World. It consisted of two primitive centres of 
historic life connected by a strip of habitable land of vary- 
ing width. 

Its 7. The inhabitants of this region were peoples who spoke 

dialects of a common language. Most of them are named 
in the book of Genesis as descended from Shem (Sem), 
the son of Noah. The accepted name for them, there- 
fore, is the "Semitic" peoples, and the languages they 
spoke are called the ''Semitic" languages. 

Their 8. The Original home of the primitive Semites was 

probably northern Arabia. From here when the scanty 
sustenance afforded by the desert could not supply their 
needs, they poured out on every side into the fertile valleys 
that bordered upon their home. Thus, from this natural 
centre they went forth into the lower Tigris- Euphrates 
valley to form the civilization which we know as the Baby- 
lonian; farther to the north, on the upper Tigris, they 
became the Assyrians; roaming back and forth in the 
wide regions between the upper Euphrates and Tigris, 
they were known as the Arameans; farther to the west, 
in the region bordering on the Mediterranean, they formed 



Peoples. 



Distribu 
tion 



Peoples of the Ancient East 7 

communities known as the Canaanites, the Phoenicians 
and the Hebrews. The Hebrews further divide into the 
Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites and Israelites. Pushing 
on to the south and southwest, some of them made their 
homes on the fertile coasts of southern Arabia. Others 
passed over into the Nile valley and made up the most 
important element of the peoples who settled in Egypt. 
To the Semites are due the development and extension 
of political and social institutions throughout this entire 
region. 

9. Occupying the upper valleys and plateaus of the The 
northern mountain ranges that border the crescent of this ^^"°""*^' 
Semitic world was a variety of tribes and peoples without Peoples, 
unity of language or civilization. From time to time they 
fell upon the Semites of the river-valleys and established 
their authority more or less permanently and extensively 
over them. Such were the Elamites occupying the high 
table-lands to the east of Babylonia, and the Khati or Hit- 
tites, whose original home was in the mountains to the 
northwest of the upper waters of the Euphrates. From 
the same mountain regions came, toward the close of the 
history of the Ancient East, the Medo-Persians, a branch 
of the family to which the historical peoples of western 
Europe and North America belong — the Indo-European 
or Indo- Germanic race.* They had their home in the 
lofty plateaus far to the east of the Tigris-Euphrates valley. 
Thence by slow degrees they pushed westward until, de- 

* This race-family, clearly distinguished from the Semitic (§ 7) by 
language, comprised peoples whose homes were as far distant from one 
another as India and England. Its chief branches were the people of 
India, the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Teutons, the Kelts, 
and the Slavs, 



8 



The Eastern Empires 



Course of 
Historical 
Progress. 



I. Begin- 
nings. 



2. Baby- 
lonian and 
Egyptian 
Empires. 



3. Em- 
pires of 
Syria. 



sccnding upon the plains, they absorbed the ancient 
Semitic civilization and established the Persian Empire. 

10. Before entering upon the history of these peoples 
in detail it will be profitable to take a general survey of 
the field to be studied and to mark out its grand divisions 
and epochs.* 

History begins at the extremes of the field in the two 
primitive centres of civilization, Babylonia and Egypt. 
For long periods (about 5000-2500 B.C.) each grows by 
itself, each produces a unique civilization having its own 
peculiarities of language, race, political organization, 
social life and religion. 

In course of time each, driven by the impulse of ex- 
pansion, pushes out into the region lying between them — 
the land of Syria (2500-1 100 B.C.). Babylonia is first in 
the field, and makes her influence felt for centuries in Syria 
(down to 1600 B.C.); but, weakened by the rise of the 
Assyrian kings in the north and by foreign wars and the 
invasion of strangers, her power declines. The way is 
open for Egypt to occupy the field. She conquers Syria, 
plants her garrisons throughout its borders and establishes 
her civiHzation in its cities (i 600-1 100 B.C.). 

But Egypt, also, in course of time declines in power. 
Migrations of strange peoples sweep over these Syrian 
plains. The Hittite (Khati) people from the north press 
forward and drive the armies of Egypt back, only to be 
themselves followed by other northern tribes. For two 
centuries Syria is free from the authority of either of the 



* This section may most profitably be read together by teacher and 
pupil, the teacher emphasizing and expounding the great epochs of the 
history, which are here set forth in the barest outline, preparatory to 
their intensive study. 



Epochs of Oriental History 9 

two great oriental powers (1100-900 B.C.). It is now 
the opportunity of native princes and peoples of Palestine 
and Syria to assert themselves. On the Mediterranean 
coast appear the city-states of the PhiHstines in the south, 
and in the north the kingdom of Tyre, which gathers under 
its sway all Phoenicia, the centre of the commerce of the 
ancient world. In the southeast the kingdom of Israel 
under David and Solomon unites the tribes of the southern 
plateau (Palestine) under a single sceptre. 

But this period of Syrian independence does not last. 4. Assyr- 
The kingdom of Assyria in the far east on the upper Tigris Empire, 
rises into greater power, and moves out to seize the western 
lands. For three centuries (900-600 B.C.) its armies push 
up and down, north, south and west, and it becomes the 
first great World- Empire. 

But, weakened by internal decay and assailed by rising 
enemies, it, too, falls. Its Empire is divided between its 
conquerors, the Medes on the east and the Babylonians s- New 

Babylonian 

(or Kaldeans) on the south. But these two powers con- and 
tend with each other for final supremacy (600-538 B.C.). 
New Babylonia (or Kaldea) is no match for the vigorous 
and warlike Medes, united with the Persians, led by Cyrus 
the Great. 

Babylon, the capital of Kaldea, falls before the Persian 
power. All its possessions pass into the hands of Cyrus. 
He founds the second great World-Empire, Persia (538- 
325 B.C.). This Empire, expanding on all sides, comes 
face to face with the Greek cities of Europe. In its strug- 
gle with them a new motive and new peoples enter into 
the sphere of history; the career of the Ancient East is 
finished. 



Median 
Empires. 



6. Persian 
Empire. 



10 The Eastern Empires 

Grand ^i* The grand divisions of this long development are, 

Divisions, therefore, the following: 

1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt 

(to 2500 B.C.). 

2. The Babylonian and Egyptian Empires (2500- 

IIOO B.C.). 

3. The Empires of Syria (1100-900 B.C.). 

4. The World-Empire of Assyria (900-600 B.C.). 

5. The New Babylonian (Kaldean) and Median 

Empires (600-538 B.C.). 

6. The World-Empire of Persia (538-325 B.C.). 

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ORIENTAL HISTORY* 

Sayce. Ancient Empires of the East. Scribners. A collection of de- 
tached histories of the oriental peoples not altogether up to date and 
with no sense of the unity of ancient oriental history. 

GooDSPEED. History of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Scribners. 
The only one-volume history in moderate compass. 

MuRisoN. I. Babylonia and Assyria. 2. History of Egypt. Both im- 
ported by Scribners. Excellent little sketches for school use. 

Ragozin. I. The Story of Chaldea. 2. The Story of Assyria. 3. The 
Story of Media, Babylon and Persia. Putnams. Well-written, full, 
not abreast of the most recent discoveries, but modern enough to 
be very useful. 

Sayce. Babylonians and Assyrians: Life and Customs. Scribners. 
Deals with the life of these peoples fully and interestingly. 

Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. Has an 
introductory chapter on oriental art. 

Maspero. Ancient Egypt and Assyria. Chapman and Hall, Sketches 
of the life of these peoples. Pleasantly written and instructive. 

Wendel. History of Egypt. History Primer Series. American Book 
Co. The best little book on Egyptian history. 

Kent. History of the Hebrew People. Scribners, 2 vols. An attrac- 
tively written account on the basis of modern biblical learning. 

* An additional bibliography for advanced students and teachers will 
be found in Appendix I. 



PLATE II 








Ilainmurabi 



Rameses II 




Esarhaddon 





A Philistine 



A Hittite 



TYPICAL ORIENTAL HEADS 



1 — THE FIRST KINGDOMS IN BABYLONIA 
AND EGYPT 

ABOUT 5000-2500 B.C. 

12. The darkness that covers the beginnings of man's Beginnings 
life on the earth lifts from the valleys of the Tigris and Eu- ^jg^^^. 
phrates rivers about five thousand years before the birth 

of Christ. More than a thousand years later we catch our 
first glimpse of history in the Nile valley. An unexpected 
sight greets us in the dawning light. Men are not savages 
wandering about and plundering, but have fixed homes 
and live in cities ruled over by kings who make laws, lead 
armies and worship the divine powers in splendid temples. 

13. In Babylonia the chief cities were Shirpurla, Ur,* Movement 
Nippur, Agade and Babylon. Nippur was the leading ^^^^^\^ 
religious centre where stood a famous temple to the god Babylonia 
Bel. The others were the seats of kingdoms, whose kings 
fought with one another for supremacy over the whole 
region. For thousands of years this struggle went on, no 

city being able permanently to hold all power. One of 
the greatest of these early rulers was Sargon, king of 
Agade (about 3800 B.C.). Some memorials of his reign 
tell us of his wide power. 



ography. 



An interesting account of Sargon's early life has come down to us Sargon's 
in his own words: ''Sargon, the powerful king, am I. My mother Autobi- 
was of low degree, my father I did not know. The brother of my 
father dwelt in the mountain. My city was Azupirani, situated on the 
bank of the Euphrates. (My) humble mother in secret brought me 

* The u in all these words is pronounced like oo. 

n 



12 First Oriental Kingdoms 

forth. She placed me in a basket-boat of rushes, with pitch she closed 
my door. She gave me over to the river, v^^hich did not (rise) over 
me. The river bore me along; to Akki, the irrigator, it carried me. 
Akki, the irrigator, brought me to land. Akki, the irrigator, reared 
me as his own son. Akki, the irrigator, appointed me his gardener. 
While I was gardener, the goddess Ishtar looked on me with love 
(and) . . . four years I ruled the kingdom." 

The King- 14. Finally from the eastern mountains the Elamites 
Bab'ybn. (§9) Came dov^^n and took possession of the southern cities ; 
about the same time some Arabian kings seized the north- 
ern city of Babylon. The two invaders fought each other, 
and the kings of Babylon drove out the Elamites and got 
possession of the whole country. Thus a strong and per- 
manent state was founded with its capital at Babylon. On 
this account the lower valley of the Euphrates and Tigris 
is called Babylonia. 
The 15. Not later than 3500 B.C. the people of the Nile 

Kingdom vallcy wcrc organized into one state with its capital at 
Memphis, and were ruled over by great kings whose of- 
ficial title was the "Pharaoh."* In this early period 
The the most important dynasty was the fourth (2700 B.C.). 

Dynasty. ^^^ kiugs left their inscriptions on the cliffs of the penin- 
sula of Sinai, east of Egypt. There one of them is pictured 
in the act of striking down an enemy with his mace. An- 
other remarkable memorial of them is the mighty Pyra- 
mids, the wonder and admiration of travellers in all ages. 
In the time of the sixth dynasty, commerce with the rich 
lands of central Africa was flourishing. Sea-voyages, the 
first that history records, were made upon the Red sea. 

* An Egyptian historian named Manetho, writing in Greek, has left 
a list of the Pharaohs organized in thirty-one successive groups called 
by him "dynasties" — a most convenient arrangement followed by all 
later historians. 



Early Egyptian Rulers 13 

Yet the crowning achievement of these kings was their 
successful rule of the state with its loyal and devoted offi- 
cials and its contented and prosperous people. From Centralized 
all parts of the realm nobles came to live in Memphis, the 0^°!"'^" 
king's seat, and to serve him. When they died, they 
desired above all else to be buried near his tomb. 

16. Egypt was also very prosperous under the twelfth The 
dynasty (2000-1800 B.C.). A thousand years had passed ^ynasTy 
and many changes had taken place. Princes of Thebes 

were on the throne, and the capital of the state was removed 
farther to the south. The nobles no longer flocked to the 
court, but preferred to dwell on their own domains. They 
recognized the Pharaoh's authority and did his bidding, 
but lived and died and were buried at home. The fol- 
lowing utterance of one of them is an evidence of their 
authority as well as of the character of their rule : 

"No daughter of a citizen have I injured, no widow have I mo- a 
lested, no laborer have I arrested, no shepherd have I banished, Price's 
no superintendent of workmen was there whose laborers have I 
taken away from their work. In my time there were no poor, and 
none were hungry in my day. When the years of famine came I 
ploughed all the fields of the nome* from the southern to the north- 
ern boundary; I kept the inhabitants alive and gave them food, so 
that not one was hungry. I gave to the widow even as to her who 
had a husband, and I never preferred the great to the small." 

17. Such relations of king and nobles we call feudal , and Feudalism 
the twelfth dynasty is the first example of feudal govern- '° ^^^^** 
ment in history. Rulers in such circumstances have to be 

able and active to keep the nobles obedient. The Pharaohs 
of this dynasty were equal to the task. They extended the 

♦The "nome" is one of the forty or more districts into which Egypt 
was divided from the earliest times. 



14 



First Oriental Kingdoms 



Social 
Life in 
these 
Early 
Days. 



Agricult- 
ure the 
Chief Occu« 
pation. 



State up the Nile by the conquest of Nubia, the quartz mines 
of which yielded much gold. A series of successful engi- 
neering works on the lower Nile, by which a marshy district 
in the west, now called the Faiyum, was drained, added 
a wide and fertile tract to the kingdom. The Pharaohs 
of this dynasty adorned it with palaces and temples and 
lived in it or on its border. One of these structures was 
so elaborate that it was called by Herodotus, the Greek 
historian and traveller, a "labyrinth," and in his judgment 
it surpassed the Pyramids. 

i8. In that far-off period when the primitive inhabitants 
settled in the Tigris- Euphrates and Nile basins, the first 
and easiest things they found to do were the raising of 
cattle and the growing of grain. The wonderfully rich 
and well- watered soil produced for man and beast all kinds 
of plants for food. The cattle could be pastured in the 
luxuriant marshes by the river-banks. Seed sown in moist 
spots produced wonderful harvests, sometimes two hun- 
dred-fold and more. Soon a system of canals, dykes and 
reservoirs was created to distribute the inundating waters. 
By this means larger tracts of land were obtained for culti- 
vation, until the entire valley was one vast garden. The 
majority of the people were farmers; the chief products 
of the lands were cattle and grain. The regular yearly 
inundations of the rivers kept the land fertile, and the 
bountiful soil continued from generation to generation to 
pour its wealth into the arms of the cultivators. Its 
abundant products not merely supplied their needs, but 
furnished a surplus which they could store away or sell to 
other peoples less favored. It was this surplus that made 
the nations in these river- valleys rich and gave them their 
commanding position in the ancient world. 



Occupations 15 

19. These lands were also the earliest seats of industry, industry. 
The records show that already there were carpenters, 
blacksmiths, weavers, goldsmiths, silversmiths, leather 
workers, potters, dyers, masons, miners, vintners, jewellers, 

and brickmakers. Each trade appears to have been organ- 
ized as a guild or union with a chief officer. Egypt was 
specially famous for its wonderfully fine white linen; 
Babylonia for its woollens woven into cloths and rugs of 
various colors. Papyrus,* a tall reed growing in profusion 
in the Nile, was used by the Egyptians to make mats, rope, 
sandals, boats and writing material. Long strips of it were 
laid crosswise, pressed together and the surfaces polished 
off to make a rude kind of paper. The most important 
industry of the Babylonians was brickmaking. Stone 
was hard to get and clay was abundant. Hence all Baby- 
lonian buildings were of brick. Clay was the chief writ- 
ing material of Babylonia. It was moulded, when soft, 
into cakes; into these the characters were pressed with a 
tool, and then the cakes were dried in the sun or in a kiln. 
One of their months, corresponding to our June, had a 
name which meant "the month of bricks," because it was 
the best time of the year for brickmaking. 

20. Trading was another activity of these peoples. The Commerce 
Egyptians traded chiefly among their own people up and 

down the Nile. Yet sea-voyages also were undertaken 
from an early period. They obtained ivory, incense and 
spices, ostrich feathers and panther skins from the far 
south. They delighted also in strange animals, and made 
a specialty of importing apes and monkeys. But it was 
the Babylonians who were the chief traders. They ex- 
tended their commercial operations throughout the ancient 

* From this word our '' paper" is derived. 



16 First Oriental Kingdoms 

eastern world. Having no stone and little wood in their 
own land they imported them. Cedar was brought from 
the Mediterranean coast, teak from India; stone came 
from the eastern mountains and even from western Arabia. 
They got gold and silver from the east in exchange for 
their grain and cloth. Their merchants ventured into the 
borders of distant countries with their wares, and carried 
thither knowledge of the Babylonian civilization. 
Organiza- 21. Men engaged in so many varied pursuits would 
s^de^ty '^^^y ^2,rly be organized into communities. We have 
already said that our first glimpse of these peoples finds 
them living in city-states. The head of the state was the 
The King. king. He seems to have been first a priest, occupied with 
rehgious duties, and to have risen from the priesthood to 
the kingship. He was closest to the gods, and in Egypt 
was regarded as divine and called " the good god." Hence 
his power was supreme and absolute; he had 'divine 
right." Obedience to him was the first duty of his sub- 
jects. But he must also be the benefactor of his people. 
He was the one who hunted and killed the wild animals 
that preyed upon the land ; he led his people in war against 
their enemies. He was the source of law and the fountain 
of justice. Any subject could appeal to him for deliver- 
ance. Next, but far below him, came the nobility. The 
The greatest noble in Egypt must fall on his face and "snuff 

Nobihty. ^Yie ground" before the king; the highest honor was to be 
called the king's "friend." The land had been divided 
among the nobles by the king, the sole owner; they held it 
at his will and paid him tribute and military service in 
return. They were his counsellors and assistants in gov- 
ernment, the governors, the judges and the generals of the 
army. Often they lived on their own estates in fine 



Classes of People 17 

palaces surrounded by gardens; they ruled over their de- 
pendants as the king over the state. There was always 
danger that some one among them would become strong 
enough to aspire to the throne and rebel against his lord. 
The kingship was too glittering a prize not to attract an 
ambitious noble. Hence the king had to be strong and 
watchful. 

22. The common people played no part in public life, The People 
and it is hard to discover and to describe their place in 

this ancient world. Probably very few of them owned land. 
That belonged to the king and nobles, who rented it out to 
tenant farmers. The latter cultivated the land by means 
of free laborers or slaves, and usually paid one-third of the 
yearly crop as rent to the proprietor. Slaves were not slaves, 
very numerous in this early period and were well treated. 
In Babylonia most slaves were the property of the temples 
and were hired out by the priests to the farmers, who 
had to care for them if sick or injured; the free hired 
laborers had to look out for themselves. 

23. The artisans and tradesmen were not very highly Merchants, 
regarded by the upper classes, but their growing wealth 

gave them increasing importance in the cities where they 
naturally gathered. Babylonian merchants began early 
to form an important class. Some trading families carried 
on mercantile operations from generation to generation, 
amassed riches, and engaged in banking. At first all trade Means of 
was in natural products ; cattle were exchanged for wheat ^"^*°2®- 
or dates. But standards of value began to be set up by 
the use of the precious metals. They were fashioned in 
bars or rings and went by weight. In Babylonia the stand- 
ard was the shekel of half an ounce avoirdupois ; sixty of 
these made a mina, and sixty minas a talent. In Egypt 



18 First Oriental Kingdoms 

the deben, weighing three and a quarter ounces, was the 
standard. In those days silver was more precious than gold, 
and copper was the commonest metal. Iron was rarer. It 
was possible to estimate the value of natural products in 
these standards, and thus mercantile operations on a much 
greater scale could be engaged in. Soon the Babylonian 
merchants began to make loans, usually at a high rate of 
interest. Their security was often the person or family 
of the borrower, who were ruthlessly seized and sold as 
slaves if payment was not made. Thus the merchant 
came to be more and more a power in the ancient world. 
Supremacy 24. One of the most wonderful things about this early 
°^ ^*^- world is that all these various activities of ancient hfe were 
firmly established on a basis of law. The chief reason 
for the organization and continuance of the state was that 
it secured justice for its members. Not violence but order 
was the rule. The symbol of rank was the staff, not the 
sword. The highest official in Egypt under the Pharaoh 
was the Chief Justice. The Babylonians were particu- 
larly given to legal forms. When one sold his grain, or 
hired a laborer, or made a will, or married a wife, or adopted 
a son, he went before the judge, and a document recording 
the transaction was written out and signed by the con- 
tracting parties in his presence. The document was then 
filed away in the public archives. In the case of a dispute 
arbitrators were employed or the matter was brought 
before the court. The opposing parties were sworn, and 
after the case was heard, a written verdict was rendered 
and accepted by the disputants, or an appeal was made 
to a higher tribunal. Thousands of these legal documents, 
decisions, bills, drafts, sales, orders, wills, etc., have been 
preserved to the present day. 



The Ancient Family 19 

25. The family was already a well-recognized institu- The 
tion. The father was its acknowledged head, but the ^™*^ 
mother was highly honored. No family was regarded as 
complete without children. In Babylonia it was common 

to adopt sons by process of law. Respect and love for 
parents was taught and practised. "Thou shalt never 
forget what thy mother has done for thee," says Ani the 
sage of Egypt, and another declares, "I have caused the 
name of my father to increase." Giving in marriage was 
the father's privilege and was arranged on a money basis. 
The wooer paid for his bride according to his wealth. 
Usually the marriage ceremony was both civil and relig- 
ious. The wife brought a marriage portion to her hus- 
band, which he had to return if he divorced her. A man 
might buy more than one wife, but this was a luxury re- 
served for the rich and was of doubtful advantage to the 
peace of the home life. In the king's "harem" were 
gathered as many princesses as there were political alli- 
ances with neighboring rulers or nobles. The sense of 
family unity seems to have been stronger in Babylonia 
than in Egypt. The Babylonian father had the power 
of life and death over wife and children; the children 
called themselves after the names of their ancestors. In 
Egypt names were individual, containing no reference to 
family relations, nor do funeral epitaphs usually glorify 
the ancestors of the dead. 

26. Both Babylonians and Egyptians had already in- writing, 
vented systems of writing. These systems sprang out of 

the attempt to represent objects and ideas by pictures — a 
circle standing for " sun, "or a winged creature for " flying, " 
etc. Two changes took place in course of time. The 
pictures began to have various meanings and they came 



20 



First Oriental Kingdoms 



The Scribe. 



Literature. 



Its 

Religious 

Element. 



to lose their original form as pictures. So in Babylonia 
we have words represented by a series of lines thickened 
into a wedge at the end. Hence these signs are called, 
from the Latin word cuneus, " a wedge," cuneijorm. The 
Egyptians regarded their picture-signs as ^'divine" and 
''holy"; hence they are called hieroglyphics from the 
Greek word hieros, "holy." All these systems of writing, 
which seem to us so cumbrous and difficult, are neverthe- 
less the foundation of our own alphabet, and in their day 
were a wonderful achievement which contributed im- 
mensely to human progress. 

27. To master these methods of writing required special 
study, to which only a few could give themselves. These 
began as boys under the teacher, usually in the temple 
school, and graduated as scribes. To be a scribe was to 
enjoy an honorable and useful career in government 
employ, with the prospect of riches and advancement. 
To every king, prince, noble, governor or judge a scribe 
was indispensable for preparing his despatches or de- 
cisions ; indeed, everybody who wished to write a letter or 
to read one was dependent on the scribe. 

28. Songs, stories and records had also been written. 
In other words, these peoples had a Hterature. It started 
with the priests, who were the learned men of the time; 
therefore it was chiefly made up of religious books, such 
as prayers and hymns for public worship. But there were 
also tales in prose and verse about divine heroes and their 
wonderful adventures. The most striking of these is the 
Babylonian Epic of the Hero Gilgamesh, who seeks the 
fountain of immortality. In the eleventh book of this 
poem is the account of the deluge and the building of the 
ship in which one family of all human kind is saved — • 



Literature and the Art of Living 21 

wonderfully like the Bible story in Genesis. The Egyp- 
tians had a fondness for stories of magic and fairy tales. 
Their poetry also was sometimes touching and thoughtful. 

Mind thee of the day when thou too shalt start for the land 

To which one goeth never to return. 

Good for thee then will have been an honorable life; 

Therefore be just and hate transgressions 

For he who loveth justice will be blessed; 

Then give bread to him who has no field 

And create for thyself a good name for posterity forever. 

29. A sense for literature and history is shown in the Historical 
desire of kings and nobles to preserve memorials of them- 
selves. Long autobiographies are found in the tombs of 
Egyptian officials, and Babylonian kings proclaim their 

Dwn deeds in inscriptions upon slabs and images. King 
Sargon of Agade (§ 36) is said to have formed a library Libraries. 
in his capital and to have collected hymns and rituals in a 
^reat work called The Illumination oj Bel. Every Baby- 
lonian temple also had its library where the temple docu- 
ments and sacred books were placed. Many of these 
have only recently been unearthed. 

30. No little degree of comfort in living was enjoyed. Arts of 
The country houses of the aristocracy were roomy and 
surrounded by gardens in which trees, flowers and running The House, 
water were found. The Egyptians had a passion for 
flowers, and at the banquets the guests were garlanded with 
wreaths. The walls of the house were hung with brilliant 
tapestries. Stools and couches, the forms of which are 

still copied among us, constituted the furniture. In the 
Babylonian cities the palaces of the king and his officials 
were built on platforms or mounds raised high above the 
plain, while the houses of the common people were crowded 



22 First Oriental Kins^doins 



to' 



together below them. The latter were simple and low, 
with thick mud walls and flat roofs. The streets were 
narrow and dirty. They received all the sweepings of 
the houses. When they filled up to the level of the house- 
doors, these were then closed up, the house built up another 
story and a new door provided. The fire was started 

Food and with a fire stick and bow. The dining-table was a low 
bench, around which the family squatted and partook of 
the usual meal of dried fish, dates and cakes of ground 
grain. Beer was the universal drink, though wine was also 
very common. When an Egyptian gave an entertainment 
he usually invited his friends to a ''house of beer," or a 
roast goose. They slept on low couches or on mats spread 
on the floor. The Egyptian's pillow was a wooden head- 
rest, which, though hard, was cool and did not disarrange 

Dress. his wig. The priests shaved their heads, other people 
wore their hair short, and all well-to-do persons wore wigs. 
Although the beard was shaven, the pictures represent 
the nobles with false beards as a sign of dignity. In Baby- 
lonia, on the contrary, the prevailing fashion was to wear 
hair and beard long. The fundamental article of dress 
was the cloth that was wrapped about the middle of the 
body. Additions were made to this by the better classes; 
the cloth was lengthened to the knees or a quilted skirt 
was worn. The Egyptian was most careful about cleanli- 
ness in dress, and the laundryman is a conspicuous figure 
on the monuments. In Egypt nothing was worn on the 
head; the Babylonian aristocracy are represented with flat 
caps. To go barefoot was customary, or, at most, sandals 
were worn. Ointments and cosmetics were used by men 
and women alike and for the entire body. A man's street- 
costume was not complete without a cane; in Babylonia 



PLATE III 



A 



lilliiililllillilli 



m&m&i 



in^*"M*^lJO!MlIlEMl 



^Kl^ ci^ 






..^^ Lv. t^ 




t [\ I' 









,tL'a: 



f#*i:Aj 



1 ^^1^?^^- ff 




PAINTING FROM THE WALL OF AN EGYPTIAN TOMB 



ure. 



Architecture 23 

everyone carried a seal which served him when he wished 
to sign his name. A variety of recreations is illustrated Amuse- 
by the Egyptian monuments. Hunting birds and hippo- "*"*^' 
potami in the Nile marshes was the favorite sport of the 
nobles. Bull-fights, wrestling, dancing, singing, and play- 
ing on musical instruments were greatly enjoyed; even 
games of checkers and chess are found. 

31. Thus the higher arts were early reached. Both The Higher 
peoples accomplished much in architecture. Although 

the Babylonians had only bricks as building material, they 
erected massive and effective temples and palaces. A Architect- 
mighty terrace forty or more feet high was first built and 
on this rose the temple which usually culminated in a 
tower made of solid stories of brick placed one above 
another, each successive story smaller than the one be- 
neath it — the whole often reaching one hundred feet in 
height. Egypt's most splendid structures were the Pyr- 
amids, built to serve as tombs of the kings. The pyramid 
of the Pharaoh Khufu of the fourth dynasty was a mass 
of limestone and granite over 755 feet square at the base, 
rising to a point at a height of 481 feet; the sides were 
faced with blocks so nicely fitted together as to look like 
a single mighty surface smooth and shining. In the heart 
of it was the funeral chamber, the roof of which was so 
carefully adjusted to bear the enormous weight above it 
as not to have yielded an inch in the course of the ages.* 

32. In the little as well as the great the ancients of these 
days showed remarkable skill. In the engraving of hard 
stones, the Babylonian artists excelled, while the gold and 
brightly colored inlay work of the Egyptians is surprising. 
The pottery is both useful and artistic, and the furniture 

* The roof -beams of granite were cracked by the earthquake of 27 B.C. 



24 First Oriental Kingdoms 

affords models for the present day. The statues from 
Sculpture, hard granite, or harder diorite, were cut and polished 
with amazing fineness. It is irue that grace and natural- 
ness are rarely found in the pose and modelling of the fig- 
ures. The Egyptians not only did not understand per- 
spective, but they mixed up the profile and front views of 
their human figures in a grotesque manner. The statues, 
however, from both peoples, while stiff, are strong, real 
and impressive. You feel that they are for eternity. 
Science. 33. What was known of the natural world, its laws and 

its forces, was a strange compound of truth and error. 
Many of nature's secrets had been pierced. The move- 
Astronomy, ments of the heavenly bodies were mapped out. The 
year of 365J days was determined. Eclipses were calcu- 
lated. Men were familiar with the points of the compass 
and the signs of the Zodiac. The decimal system was 
employed, and joined with it was the sexagesimal system 
(10 X 6). Weights and measures were carefully worked 
out on the basis of the hand-breadth. The sun-dial and 
Mechanics, the watcr-clock measured time. The mechanical skill 
shown in building is amazing. The arch, the lever and the 
inclined plane were known. Engineers of to-day, if they 
had only the means then available, would have serious 
difficulty in putting some of the stones of the Pyramids 
into their places, if indeed they could accomplish it at all. 
cosmog- On the other hand, the earth was regarded by the Baby- 
°^^' lonians as an inverted bowl, its edges resting on the great 

watery deep. On its outer surface dwelt mankind. Within 
its crust was the dark abode of the dead. Above and 
about it, resting on the ocean of waters, was the heaven, 
another inverted bowl or disk, on the under side of which 
moved the heavenly bodies ; on the outer side lay another 






Science and Religion 25 

ocean, beyond which dwelt the gods in eternal light. The 
stars were thought to have influence, either good or bad, 
on the life of men, and hence were carefully studied. The 
study of medicine consisted of a search for strange combi- Medicine, 
nations of incongruous substances, in which a wise pre- 
scription or a useful discovery came only by chance. The 
blood of lizards, the teeth of swine, putrid meat, the moist- 
ure from pigs' ears are among Egyptian remedies for 
illness. No study of Nature for her own sake, but only 
for practical ends or from religious motives — this was the 
vital weakness of ancient science. 

34. The main factor in the life of these peoples was ReUgion. | 
their religion. It inspired their literature, their science **i^ 

and their art. It was the foundation of their social and 
political life. Priests were judges, scribes, teachers and 
authors. Temples were treasuries, fortresses and colleges 
as well as places of worship. All this means that one of 
the first problems that these men had to face was their 
relation to the world about and above them. They sought 
to solve this problem by believing that they were surround- General 
ed by higher beings with whom it was possible to get on in 
peace and harmony. This beUef, and the worship that 
sprang out of it, was religion ; it had everything to do with 
primitive society. In the periods which we are studying, 
religion was far advanced. Had you gone into a city of 
Egypt or Babylonia and talked with a priest of the temple, 
he would have told you that, as there were gods for every 
city, so his city had its god who cared for and watched over 
its people; the king was his representative or even his son. 
God gave rain and fruitful seasons to the farmer and pros- 
perity to the merchant ; he saved from sickness and calam- 
ity; he appointed judges to give true judgments, and gov- 



ideas of 
Gods, 



26 



First Oriental Kingdoms 



The Baby- 
lonian 
Gods. 



The 

Egyptian 

Gods. 



The Future 
Life. 



ernors to rule uprightly. In turn the king reared the 
temple to the glory of the gods and established the priest- 
hood to offer daily sacrifice of grain and cattle to them; 
he gave to the gods of the spoils of war and of the harvest, 
and hither the people brought their gifts and paid their 
vows. Had you asked the Babylonian who was this God, 
he would have replied : "Bel, * the Lord' ; or the Sun, or the 
Moon, or the Storm Wind, or the Watery Deep — all gods 
of power afar off. Nevertheless they are very watchful 
of man, who, often sinful and deserving of punishment, 
feels himself dependent on them, and comes to them with 
psalms and prayers of penitence when they have brought 
plague and sorrow upon him for his sin." To the same 
question the Egyptian would have replied: "Re,* the Sun, 
who moves daily over the sky in his boat scattering bless- 
ings upon his children, before whom flowers spring up 
and fields bloom, whom we praise in the morning at his 
rising and at even in his setting — and a thousand other 
gods of animals and plants who love us and are ever near 
to bless us by their mysterious presence and favor." And 
had you asked about the Hfe after death the Babylonian 
would have shaken his head and spoken of the future as 
dark and sad when the spirit, torn from the body, goes 
down to the dusky abode of the dead, to drag out a 
miserable existence. But the Egyptian, with hopeful face, 
would have told you how to keep the body as an eternal 
abode of the spirit by mummifying it and putting it in a 
deep tomb far from decay and disturbance; or he would 
have spoken of the fields of Aaru, a happier Egypt beyond 
the sky, where, after passing through the trials of the under 
world, by the aid of the god Osiris and the power of the 

* Pronounced Ray. 



The Egyptian Heaven 27 

Book of the Dead, or in the sun-boat of the god Re, the 
soul would at last be united with the body in a blissful 
immortality. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

Introductory — history a growth — Ancient History the starting-point — 
return to history's beginnings — course of Ancient History — three 
parts. 

I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

Preliminary Survey: The field — physical unity — peoples — distribution — 
surrounding folk — course of historical progress — the grand divis- 
ions. 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 

a. Beginnings — movement toward unity in Babylonia — the 

Egyptian Kingdom (fourth dynasty — government and 
achievements; twelfth dynasty — government and 
achievements). 

b. Social Hfe in these early days: occupations (agriculture, 

industry, trade and commerce) — organization (the king, 
nobles, people, slaves), Babylonian merchants and 
means of exchange — the supremacy of law — the family 
— writing and literature — the art of living (house and 
furnishing, food and drink, dress, sport) — the higher 
arts (architecture, sculpture, astronomy, mechanics, 
cosmogony, medicine) — religion (the gods in general, 
Egyptian, Babylonian, future life). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Who were the Elamites? 2. For 
what are the following places noted: Memphis, Agade, Nippur, 
Thebes, Babylon? 3. What is meant by papyrus, deben, nome, 
cuneiform, feudal, shekel, hieroglyphic, dynasty? 4. Name 
with dates the grand divisions of Ancient History. 5. At 
about what time were the Pyramids built? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Early 
Babylonian Cities. Goodspeed, §§ 45-50. 2. Elamite Inva- 
sion of Babylonia. Goodspeed, §§ 63, 64. 3. The Fourth Egyp- 
tian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 39-41; Murison, Egypt, §§ 22-24; 
RawUnson, Story of Egypt, chs. 3-4. 4. The Twelfth Egyp- 
tian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 50-57; Murison, Egypt, §§ 32-35; 



28 Early Babylonian Empire 

Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, chs. 5-7. 5, Babylonian Civili- 
zation. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 15 ; Good- 
speed, §§ 66-93. 6. What countries have once had a feudal 
system? See Encyclopedia Britannica, articles "Feudalism" 
and "Japan." 7. Modern Irrigation in Egypt; the Assouan 
Dam. Cosmopolitan, Aug., 1901; Idler, 22: 257; Nature, 67: 
184. 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Draw a rough map of the 
ancient oriental world illustrating the crescent-shaped forma- 
tion suggested in § 6. Locate as many countries and cities as 
possible. 2. From plate II, 1-4, try to enumerate the physical 
characteristics of the Semitic type of man. 3. From plate III 
find as many illustrations as possible of the life described in §§ 
18-34. 4. On a map of the world follow the course marked 
out in § 3. 



2.— THE EARLY BABYLONIAN EMPIRE 

2500-1600 B.C. 

The Ex- 35. Commerce was not the only means by which Baby- 

pansionof j^j^jg^ influenced the outside world. Whenever a city- 

Babylonia. •' 

king gained power over other cities in that valley, he set 
about extending his sway over regions beyond. To the 
east, west and south, with their barriers of mountain, 
desert and sea, there was small prospect of extension. 
Elam and the districts lying on the slopes of the eastern 
ranges marked the limit in this direction. But to the 
north and northwest, the rivers Tigris and Euphrates 
opened up highways to the Mesopotamian and Syrian 
regions as far as the northern mountains and the Medi- 
terranean. Thither at a very early date the city-kings 
led their armies and began to lay the foundations of an 



The Expansion of Babylonia 29 

Empire * The kings of Agade (§13) were the greatest of 
these primitive imperial rulers (about 3800 B.C.). 

36. The traditions f tell us that Sargon of Agade and his son Naram 
Sin ruled far and wide. Elam, parts of Arabia, islands in the Persian 
gulf, Mesopotamia and regions of Syria acknowledged their sway. 
An ancient record reads as follows: "The moon was favorable to 
Sargon, who at this season was highly exalted, and a rival, an equal, 
there was not. His own land was quiet. Over the countries of the 
sea of the setting sun [the Mediterranean sea] he passed, and for three 
years at the setting sun [the west] all lands his hand subdued. Every 
place he formed into one [i.e.^ he organized all into an empire]. His 
images at the setting sun he erected [i.e., as a sign of authority in the 
west]. 

37. When the kings of Babylon (§13) had united all The First 
Babylonia under their sway, they, too, followed the imperial ™^'"' 
poHcy and founded the First Babylonian Empire — the 
earliest enduring state that covered the larger part of the 
known world. In extent it did not surpass the Hmits 
which tradition assigns to Sargon, but the long and abun- 
dant series of written documents which have come from 

its kings bears undoubted testimony to their rule. The 
founder of the Empire was Hammurabi, a brilHant war- King 
rior and statesman (about 2250 B.C.). An inscription ^^^^^^' 
illustrates his care for the canal-system of Babylonia: 

" When Anu and Bel [great gods of Babylonia] gave me the land of 
Babylonia to rule and intrusted their sceptre to my hands, I dug out 
the Hammurabi canal, nourisher of men, which brings abundance of 

*An Empire (Latin, Imperium) is a state made by the supremacy 
of one city or state over several others. Such a policy of making a 
great state is called Imperialism, 

t" Tradition" is the story which is handed down by word of mouth 
and not written till long after the events took place. Hence it does not 
always preserve the exact facts. 



code. 



30 Early Babylonian Empire 

water to the Babylonian lands. Both its banks I changed into fields 
for cultivation, and I gathered heapsof grain, and I procured unfailing 
water for the Babylonian lands." 

His Law- For his Empire the king published a code of laws which 
contains some 280 statutes and reveals a high ideal of 
justice. Some of the more striking and instructive of 
the laws are the following: 

I. If a man bring an accusation against a man and charge him with 
a crime, but cannot prove it, he, the accuser, shall be put to death. 

8. If a man steal ox or sheep, ass or pig or boat— if it be from a 
god (temple) or a palace, he shall restore thirty-fold; if it be from a 
freeman, he shall render ten-fold. If the thief have nothing where- 
with to pay, he shall be put to death. 

21. If a man make a breach in a house, they shall put him to death 
in front of that breach, and they shall thrust him therein. 

25. If a fire break out in the house of a man, and a man who goes 
to extinguish it cast his eye on the furniture of the owner of the house, 
and take the furniture of the owner of the house, that man shall be 
thrown into that fire. 

57. If a shepherd have not come to an agreement with the owner 
of a field to pasture his sheep on the grass and pasture his sheep on the 
field without the owner's consent, the owner of the field shall harvest 
his field, the shepherd who has pastured his sheep on the field without 
the consent of the owner of the field shall give over and above twenty 
gur of grain per gan to the owner of the field. 

117. If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son or daughter, or bind 
them over to service, for three years they shall work in the house of 
their purchaser or master; in the fourth year they shall be given 
their freedom. 

195-199. If a son strike his father, they shall cut off his fingers. If 
a man destroy the eye of another man, they shall destroy his eye. If 
one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. If one destroy 
the eye of a freeman or break the bone of a freeman, he shall pay one 
mina of silver. If one destroy the eye of a man's slave or break a 
bone of a man's slave, he shall pay one-half his price. 

206, If a man strike another man in a quarrel and wound him, he 



Laws of Hammurabi 31 

shall swear "I struck him without intent," and he shall be responsible 
for a physician. 

251. If a man's bull has been wont to gore and they have made 
known to him its habit of goring, and he has not protected its 
horns, or has not tied it up, and that bull gores the son of a man 
and brings about his death, he shall pay one-half mina of silver. 

In his concluding words the king says: " Let any oppressed man, 
who has a cause, come before my image as king of righteousness! Let 
him read the inscription on my monument! Let him give heed to my 
mighty words! And may my monument enlighten him as to his 
cause and may he understand his case! May he set his heart at ease! 
(and he will exclaim :) ' Hammurabi is indeed a ruler who is like a 
real father to his people.' " 

38. For centuries kings continued to rule in peace and The 
prosperity over the Empire founded by Hammurabi. Even conquest 
when rude tribes from the eastern mountains, called the 
Kassites, entered the Babylonian plain and their chief- 
tains (about 1700 B.C.) seated themselves on the throne 

of Babylon, the structure of the state remained firm. The 
new people accepted the civilization, and the new kings 
ruled by the customs and laws of the old Babylonian Em- 
pire. An idea of the extent of their influence and the 
commercial relations of their time is gained by the fact 
that for the temple at Nippur (§13) they brought gypsum 
from Mesopotamia, marble, cedar and cypress from the 
eastern mountains, lapis lazuli from Bactria in the far 
east, magnesite from the island of Euboea in the iEgean 
sea, and cobalt, possibly, from China, besides copper, gold 
and precious stones from other regions. 

39. In one corner of the Empire trouble arose which in Rise of 
course of time cast it down from its lofty seat. On the ^^^^"^ 
upper Tigris the subject city of Assur threw off the yoke 
when the Kassites came to power in Babylon. In the war 



Bubylonia. 



:i2 K(irly liabylonian Empire 

that followed, she not only secured independence but 
founded the kingdom of Assyria (about 1700 B.C.) — so 
called from the city Assur. A chronic state of hostility 
between Assyria and Babylonia, breaking out now and 
again into fierce conOicts, cri[)i)led both powers and es- 
pecially weakened the im[)erial authority of Babylon. 
Her sway over the lands to the northwest and on the Medi- 
Deciiiu' of terranean coast steadily declined and at last disapi)eare(l. 
Her kings still ruled in Babylon, but the First Babylonian 
Empire perished (about 1600 B.C.). 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

I. Till-: J':astI':rn empires. 

1. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 

2. The Early Babylonian IOmpiue, 2500-1600 b.c. — expansion 
of Babylonia — First Empire — Hammurabi — his law-code — 
Kassito con([Uest — rise of Assyria — dec line of the iMiipire. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: 
Hammurabi, Sargon of Agade? 2. Who were the Semites, the 
Kassites? 3. What is meant by empire, lapis lazuli, tradition? 
4. When did Hammurabi live? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Sargon of 
Agade. (loodspeed, §§ 58-50; Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 205-214; 
Murison, Babylon and Assyria, §§ 6-9. 2. The Fourteenth 
Chapter of Genesis, verses 1-5. Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 221-24; 
Murison, Ba])ylon and Assyria, §§ 13-14. 3. The Reign of 
Hammurabi. Murison, Babylon and Assyria, § 15; Goodspeed, 
§§ Q4-07. 4. The Code of Hammurabi. The Biblical World, 
March, 1Q03, March, igo4. 5. The Kassites. Murison, Baby- 
lon and Assyria, § 16; Cioodspeeti, §§ 102-ioS. 6. The Cunei- 
form Inscriptions. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Inscrip- 
tions"; Goodspeed, §§ 22-34. 






TJic 11 yksoH Invasion 38 

3.— THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE 

1000 1100 B.C. 

40. The feudal kingdom of Egypt, after the brilliant The 
days of the twelfth dynasty f§ 16), fell into decay. The f/^'^7; 
nobles gained more power and rose up against their kings. Egypt. 
Foreign peoples invaded the land and added to the con- 
fusion. Finally, about the time that the Kassites entered 
Babylonia (§ 38), invaders from western Arabia and 
Syria burst into Egypt through the isthmus of Suez and 

took possession of the northern half of the land. They 
also made southern Egypt tributary, though the seat of their 
own power was in the north. From the name given to 
their leaders they are usually called the Hyksos. 

Manctho (^ i5«), as quoted in a writing of Joscphus the Jew, tells 
among other things why this name was given to them. He says: 
"There came up from the east in a strange manner men of an ignoble 
race, who had the confidence to invade our country, and easily sub- 
dued it by their fx>wer without a battle. And when they had our rulers 
in their hands, they burnt our cities and demolished the temjjies of 
the gods and inflicted every kind of barbarity upon the inhabitants, 
slaying some and reducing the wives and children of others to a state 
of slavery. At length they made one of themselves king. ... lie 
lived at Memphis and rendered both the upper and the lower regions 
of Kgypt tributary and stationed garrisons in places which were best 
adapted for that purpose. All this nation was .styled iJyk.sos, that is, 
Shepherd Kings; for the first .syllable, Ilyk, in the sacred dialect 
denotes 'king,' and sos signifies 'shepherd,' but this only according 
to the vulgar tongue; and of these is com[K)unded the name Hyksos.'' 

41. The Hyksos ruled over Egypt for a century. The Expulsion 
people adopted the manners and customs of the Egyptians, 
and the kings ruled like the native Pharaohs. Yet the 



of the 
Hyksos. 



34 The Egyptian Empire 

Egyptians could not forget that they were foreigners. A 
rebelHon broke out in the south, gathered strength, and 
war was waged for years. The princes of Thebes were 
leaders of the rebels, fighting for the deUverance of their 
country and their gods. It was a fierce struggle. The 
mummy of one of these princes, now in the Cairo Museum, 
shows a great slash on the head received apparently in one 
of these battles. After, perhaps, half a century of fight- 
ing, the foreign princes were driven out of Egypt into the 
northeast whence they had come. The native Egyptians 
recovered their land, and the princes of Thebes, who had 
led them so vahantly had their reward. They became 
kings of Egypt. 

The New 42. The Egyptians hitherto had been a peaceful people. 

sl^i^rit.^* They had enlarged their domains in the early days chiefly 
by entering the peninsula of Sinai and making expeditions 
up the Nile into Nubia. But now circumstances made it 
possible for them to do greater things. The Hyksos had 
brought the horse with them into Egypt, and in war much 
more could be done by means of horses. Chariots could 
be employed, longer marches made. The Egyptian army 
had been trained in the new art of war and seasoned by 
the long and fierce struggle with the Hyksos. The Pha- 
raoh, their leader, had become a warrior eager for military 
glory. The gods of Egypt, represented by their priests, 
called for vengeance on their enemies and for the extension 
of their divine sway over the distant lands. So the Egyp- 
tians embarked on a new career — a career of conquest. 

Egypt an Thereby they transformed Egypt from a kingdom into an 
Empire, the second Empire of the Ancient World. 

43. The conquering monarchs make up the eighteenth 
dynasty (about 1600-1350 B.C.). The greatest of them was 



Empire. 



Eighteenth 
Dynasty. 



The Eighteenth Dynasty 35 

Thutmose III, who ruled in the sixteenth century. He The 
made at least sixteen campaigns into the northeast through 
the regions on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. Thutmose 
Twice, perhaps thrice, he reached the Euphrates, and 
even crossed the river into Mesopotamia. The Egyptian 
Empire reached from central Nubia in the south to the 
northern mountains and the Euphrates. Egypt succeeded 
Babylonia in supremacy over Syria. 

Thutmose III had a long account of his expeditions written on 
the walls of one of his temples in Thebes. His first campaign lasted 
about six months, from April to October, during which he covered 
about 2,000 miles and fought at least one great battle at Megiddo. 
The following is the king's description of the batUe: 

"Command was given before his whole army, saying, 'Prepare ye, 
make ready your weapons, for we move to fight with the vile enemy to- 
morrow.* The baggage of the chiefs was prepared and the provisions 
of the followers, and the sentinels of the army were spread abroad; 
they said 'Firm of heart, firm of heart, watchful of head, watchful of 
head.' On the twenty-first day of the month, even the same as the 
royal coronation, early in the morning command was given to the en- 
tire army to advance. His Majesty went forth in his chariot of electrum 
adorned with his weapons of war. His Majesty was in the midst of 
them, the god Amon being the protection to his body and strength to 
his limbs. Then his Majesty prevailed over them at the head of his 
army. When they saw his Majesty prevailing over them, they fled 
headlong to Megiddo, as if terrified by spirits; they left their horses 
and their chariots of silver and gold, and were drawn up by hauling 
them by their clothes into this city, for the men shut the gates of this 
city upon them. The fear of his Majesty entered their hearts, their 
arms failed, their mighty men lay along like fishes on the ground. 
The great army of his Majesty drew round to count their spoil. The 
whole army rejoiced, giving praise to Amon for the victory that he had 
given to his son, and they glorified his Majesty, extolling his victories." 

44. The victorious kings of the eighteenth dynasty held '^"s '^'^^ 

.... the 

this region for a century. Then a new enemy came down mttites. 



36 



The Egyptian Empire 



from the north, the Hittites, who began to contest the pos- 
session of the northern half of Syria. The famous Pha- 

Ramsesii. raoh, Ramses II (1288-1221 B.C.), of the nineteenth 
dynasty, fought with them for nearly twenty years. At 
last he made a treaty of peace with their king, which was 
written on a silver tablet and copied on the temple wall at 
Thebes. From this time the Egyptian Empire practically 
extended only to the Lebanon mountains. A century 
later the Hittite Kingdom disappeared before the advance 
of a horde of peoples migrating down the coast of the Med- 
iterranean from Asia Minor (about 11 70 B.C.). Ramses 

Ramses HI. Ill, of the twentieth dynasty, was then on the Egyptian 
throne. He summoned all his forces to withstand the 
invaders, and dispersed them in a great battle on the 
northern border of his Empire. But this effort ex- 
hausted the resources of Egypt. Its Empire gradually 
dwindled away. Pharaohs continued to rule in the Nile 
valley, but their power over Syria was gone. Thus the 
second Imperial State of the Ancient East disappeared 
(iioo B.C.). 

45. Egypt in these centuries better deserved the name 
of an Empire than did its predecessor, Babylonia. It was 
more thoroughly organized. Whenever the Pharaoh con- 
quered a city-state of Syria, he laid upon its king the obli- 
gation to pay a yearly sum as tribute. Sometimes he took 
the king's eldest son to his court to be educated. Garri- 
sons of Egyptian troops were placed in some cities, and 
governors were appointed in certain districts. Even com- 
munities of Egyptian people went out to dwell in towns of 
Syria. Such bodies of settlers are called colonies. The 
Pharaoh kept in close relations with his governors and 
subject-kings through constant correspondence with them 



Decline of 
Egypt. 



Organiza- 
tion of the 
Empire. 



Imperial Organization 37 

and by sending out inspectors from time to time to ex- 
amine into their affairs. 

46. A mass of this official correspondence from two kings of the Tel-el- 
eighteenth dynasty was discovered in Egypt recently at Tel-el- -^^^^"^ 
Amarna, and is called the Tel-el-Amarna Letters. They contain 
despatches from governors and princes of Syria. Some are from the 

king of Jerusalem; other letters are from the rulers of Babylonia and 
Assyria, with replies from the Pharaoh. All of these are written in Signifi- 
the Babylonian character — a fact which shows how deeply Babylo- <^*"<^®- 
nian civilization had influenced the Ancient World. Even Egyp- 
tian kings wrote to their Syrian subjects in Babylonian. It was 
the diplomatic* language of the day. 

47. Egypt as an Empire was very different from the The King. 
Egypt of the preceding feudal period. The feudal nobility 

had been wiped out by the invasion of the Hyksos and the 
wars of deUverance. Their property fell into the hands 
of the king, who now became the one proprietor of all 
Egypt. This property he rented out to the people for a 
percentage of its product. Some of it he gave to the gen- 
erals of his armies. They were his officials, governors 
and judges. The army was now a standing institution, The Army, 
under arms at all times. Though not so at first, it grad- 
ually came to be made up in large part of foreigners who 
were paid for their mihtary service. Such soldiers are 
called "mercenaries." A mercenary army was a danger- 
ous machine, since the soldiers were held to the imperial 
service only by the money that they gained from it. The 
spoils of the wars made many of them very rich. The 
rehgious officials, the priests, also profited by the wars. The 
since a part of the spoils of victory was given to the gods ^"®^*^' 

* The language which diflferent states use in dealing with each other 
Diplomacy is the science of international relations. 



38 The Egyptian Empire 

of Egypt, whose ministers they were. The temples became 
weahhy and powerful establishments. Their property 
was not taxed, and their people did not have to perform 
mihtary service. Thus it came about that the chief ele- 
ments in the state were now three — the king, the army 
and the priests. 

48. In the Old Testament the change in the position of the king 
is said to have been brought about by a foreign prime minister, the 
Israelite statesman and hero, Joseph. The Book of Genesis says: 
"He gathered up food in the cities, corn as the sand of the sea. And 
there was famine and the people cried unto Pharaoh for bread; and 
Pharaoh said: 'Go unto Joseph; what he saith to you, do.' And 
Joseph sold unto the Egyptians. And when the money was all spent, 
Joseph said: 'Give your cattle.' And they brought their cattle 
and Joseph gave them bread in exchange. And they said: 'Buy us 
and our land for bread, and we and our land will be servants unto 
Pharaoh.' So Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh. 
Only the land of the priests he bought not; for the priests had a 
portion from Pharaoh, and did eat their portion: wherefore they sold 
not their land. Then Joseph said unto the people: 'At the harvests 
ye shall give a fifth unto Pharaoh and four parts shall be your own.' 
And Joseph made it a statute concerning the land of Egypt unto 
this day that Pharaoh should have the fifth; only the land of the 
priests alone became not Pharaoh's." 

Results. 49. As a result of its conquests, Egypt became very rich 

in gold and slaves. Hence, money and cheap laborers 
were plentiful for building operations. Temples of un- 

Architect- equalled grandeur were reared. The capital city, Thebes, 
was the scene of the most splendid exhibition of this archi- 
tecture. The temples on the sites now known as Karnak 
and Luxor (parts of the city of Thebes) were and have 
ever since remained among the wonders of the world. 
Every great king of these dynasties enlarged and beautified 
them, wrote an account of his exploits upon their walls 



ure 



PLATE IV 




'■;J^ 



ly^ 



''^'^''''^'Vo^4J}}"S"^B%U LanHs During the Nineteenth Century.' 

A Babylonian Temple (Nippur) 




An Egyptian Temple (Luxor) 
ORIENTAL TEMPLES 



Egyptian Literature 39 

and enriched their priests by splendid offerings. The 
Karnak temple was a quarter of a mile long and 379 feet 
wide at the main front — more than twice as large as St. 
Peter's Church at Rome. Amon, the god specially wor- 
shipped at Thebes, became the great god of Egypt, beside 
whom other gods seemed of no account. The kings set 
up colossal statues of themselves in the temples. One of 
Ramses II, found in northern Egypt, was some ninety 
feet high and weighed about nine hundred tons. Abund- 
ant wealth gave also the leisure to study and write; hence Literature, 
the literature of the Egyptian Empire is most abundant. 
Love-songs, hymns to the gods, theological works, ro- 
mances, and letters are among the writings preserved. 
One of the most famous is a kind of epic history describ- 
ing the deeds of Ramses II in a battle with the Hittites. 
From the name of the scribe who copied it, it is called the 
Poem of Pentaur. 

The most stirring part of it presents Ramses II cut off from his 
army and surrounded by the enemy. Ramses calls upon his god: 
"How is this, my father Amon ? Does a father then forget his son ? 
I have done nothing, indeed, without thee. He is miserable who 
knows not god. Have I not erected to thee many monuments, in 
order to fill thy temple with my spoil? I call to thee, my father 
Amon. I am in the midst of many people, I am quite alone, my foot- 
soldiers and my chariot force have forsaken me. When I called to 
them, I found that Amon was better to me than millions of foot- 
soldiers, and hundreds of thousands of chariots. The works of men 
are as nothing ; Amon is more precious than they. Do I not call 
from the ends of the world ? Yet Re has heard me, he comes to me 
when I call. He calls from behind me : 'Thou art not alone, I am 
with thee, I, thy father Re; my hand is with thee.* I take heart 
again. What I desire to do, that happens. Behold, none of them 
are able to fight before me, their hearts melt, their arms fall, they 
cannot shoot. I slay them according to my will. Not one of them 



40 The Egyptian Empire 

looks behind him and not one of them turns round. He who falls 
of them rises no more." 

The Dark 50. Yet in the higher arts Egypt in this period was not 
superior. Bigness rather than beauty was the ideal of art 
and architecture. Fine writing and swelling words rather 
than clear and deep thought were the rule. Indeed, the 
whole structure of the state and society was artificial and 
not a natural growth. The building was made great and 
splendid by slave labor and foreign money ; the Egyptians 
were enfeebled by the luxury which they enjoyed. In all 
that constitutes true greatness Egypt was not so strong 
as in the earlier days. Pride of power and abundance of 
silver and gold were eating out her heart. 
Threaten- 51. Wc tum to obscrvc a fact which lies outside the 
mentsTrom ^^^Id of the ancicut East, but which is a prophecy of com- 
the West, jj^g events. We saw (§ 44) that a migration of peoples 
from Asia Minor destroyed the Hittite kingdom and struck 
a hard blow at the Egyptian Empire. What caused their 
movement ? What was going on in the northwest whence 
they came ? To the west of Asia Minor lies the iEgean 
The Greeks sca; ou both sidcs of that sea in this period the Greeks 
had made settlements and had built up a flourishing civil- 
ization. We hear of great cities like Mycenae in Greece, 
and Troy in the northwestern corner of Asia Minor, and 
of a mighty contest between them which Homer, the Greek 
poet, has immortalized in the Iliad. It is not unlikely 
that the migration into Syria is connected with the move- 
ments of which the Trojan War forms a part. At any rate, 
now for the first time the West comes into view and the 
first conflicts of East and West — the appearance of one 
of the most important moving forces of ancient and mod- 
ern history. 



Emerge. 



Summary of Egyptian Supremacy 41 

52. Another people appeared at this time which was The He- 
destined to play a part in history. Among the tribes that ^p^L. 
had come over from the East into Syria was Israel — a 

part of the tribes known as the Hebrews (§8). At first 
they had wandered through the southern part of Syria 
(Palestine), but in the time of the Hyksos kings they 
entered northern Egypt. There, after the Hyksos had 
been driven out, they were oppressed, by Ramses II it is 
thought, and in the last years of the nineteenth dynasty, 
led by the hero Moses, they escaped into the eastern desert, 
delivered from the Egyptians by Jehovah their god at the 
crossing of the Red sea (about 1200 B.C.). During the 
early years of the twentieth dynasty they wandered in 
the desert. We shall hear of them again. 

53. To look back over this period and to sum it up — 
at the beginning of the sixteenth century the grip of Baby- 
lonia upon the regions of the west and north was relaxed 
and conflict with Assyria was the order of the day. Egypt 
was in the hands of the Hyksos. But soon, rising up 
against their foreign lords, the Egyptians drove them out, 
and fired by warlike zeal, followed on to the conquest of 
the east. The kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth 
dynasties won Syria and organized the Egyptian Empire. 
The rich tribute of the Syrian states flowed into the Egyp- 
tian treasury. In power and luxury, in art and literature, 
the Egypt of this period was magnificent. But enemies 
rose up in the provinces or appeared on the borders; the 
Egyptians themselves could not endure the strain this 
splendid career brought upon them, and with the close of 
the twentieth dynasty the Egyptian Empire was a thing 
of the past. 



42 The Egyptian Empire 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- 
lonian Empire. 
3. The Egyptian Empire, 1600-1100 B.C. 

a. The Hyksos invasion — their expulsion — the new warlike spirit. 

b. Egypt as an empire — the eighteenth dynasty, Thutmose III — 
wars with the Hittites — Ramses II — western immigration — Ramses 
III — decline, c. Organization (Tel-el-Amarna letters — the king, 
the army, the priests). d. Results (wealth — architecture — litera- 
ture — the dark side), e. Greece on the horizon — the Hebrews 
appear. /. Summary. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: 
Ramses II, Thutmose III, Ramses III? 2. Who were the 
Hyksos, the Hittites? 3. What is meant by Tel-el-Amarna 
Letters, nome, empire? 4. For what are the following places 
noted: Karnak, Assur, Memphis, Luxor, Nippur, Megiddo? 
5. When did Ramses II live? 6. At about what date was the 
departure of the Israelites from Egypt? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Invasion 

of the Hyksos. Murison, Egypt, §§ 36-40; Rawlinson, Story 
of Egypt, chs. 8-9. 2. Thutmose III. Murison, Egypt, §§ 45- 
47; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, pp. 189-206. 3. Ramses II. 
Murison, Egypt, §55; Wendel, pp. 87-95; Rawlinson, Story 
of Egypt, pp. 238-252; Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 43-46. 
4. The Hittites and Their Empire. Encyclopedia Britannica, 
article "Hittites." 5. The Temples of Thebes. RawHnson, 
Story of Egypt, see index under "Temple of Ammon," of 
"Karnak." 6. Egyptian Civilization. Murison, Egypt, chs. 
13-15. 7. The Book of the Dead. Murison, Egypt, ch. 12. 
8. Apply the following utterance of an Egyptian Sage to 
Egyptian history of this Epoch : " If thou hast become great 
after having been little, harden not thy heart. Thou art only 
become the steward of the good things of God." 



Invasions 43 



4.— THE SYRIAN EMPIRES 
1100-900 B.C. 

54. The passing away of the Egyptian Empire about Newimmi- 
iioo B.C. was not followed — as might have been expected *^"*'°°^' 
— by the advance of the states of Assyria and Babylonia to 

seize her lost supremacy. One of those tremendous over- 
flows of people from central and northern Arabia, such as 
took place from time to time when there was not food 
enough in the desert to supply the population, flooded 
the northern districts of Mesopotamia and Syria. These 
peoples, called the Arameans, thus cut off communica- The 
tion between east and west. At the same time a similar ^^^™®*°s- 
horde, called the Kaldi, entered southern Babylonia. TheKaWi. 
Both Assyria and Babylonia, therefore, had all they could 
do to defend themselves and could not advance westward. 

55. One region of the Ancient World had now the op- The oppor- 
portunity to assert itself — that between the Nile and the syril^°^ 
Euphrates — Syria. Here was the scene of the attempts 

at empire in the next two centuries (1100-900 B.C.). 
During this time Syria was the real centre of historical 
life. Four peoples of this region came forward and its Four 
made up the history of the time. These were the Phoe- ^*°p^"' 
nicians, the Philistines, the Israelites and the Arameans 
of Damascus. 

56. The Lebanon mountains, as they run down along ThePhoe- 
the eastern Mediterranean from the north for two hundred ''*"^°^- 
miles, throw out spurs from time to time into the sea and 

leave here and there spaces of coast from one to five miles 



44 



The Syrian Empires 



Land. 



Occupa- 
tions. 



Tyre's 

Commercial 

Supremacy. 



Phoenician 
Coloniza- 
tion. 



wide and six to twenty miles long. In these petty patches 
of earth, with the high mountains at their back and the 
blue sea before them, the Phoenicians cultivated the fertile 
soil, built cities and learned to sail the sea. Beginning 
by trading with each other and with the people of the 
interior, they went on to make voyages to more distant 
parts and to carry the wares of the east to the less advanced 
western lands. When the Egyptian Empire ceased to 
rule over them, they were free to act for themselves. One 
city among them, Tyre, situated on a rocky island about 
half a mile from shore, obtained the leadership among 
them and became the commercial centre of the east and 
west. The merchandise of Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, 
Arabia, Armenia, not to speak of the lesser peoples, was 
brought to Tyre. Raw materials were received and 
turned into manufactured articles in Tyrian workshops — 
metals into arms, toilet articles and furniture; wool into 
cloths which were marvellously colored by means of the 
dye made from shell-fish found on the Phoenician coast. 
All these materials were taken out in Phoenician ships 
and exchanged for native products at trading posts estab- 
lished at different points on the Mediterranean. Already 
the Phoenicians had settled in the island of Cyprus, sev- 
enty miles to the west. Some points in the ^Egean sea were 
touched, but the Greeks were too strong there, and the 
Phoenicians went on to the regions of the western Medi- 
terranean. The north African coast, Malta, Sicily, Sar- 
dinia, the Balearic islands, were occupied. Spain, with 
its mines of precious metal, was a rich centre of Phoenician 
enterprise. Out into the Atlantic fared their adventurous 
ships, southward to the Canary islands and northward 
to Britain. 



The Phoenician Colonies 45 

57. Herodotus describes a typical instance of Phoenician trading: 
"When they have come to a land and unload the merchandise from 
their ships, they set it in order along the beach and return aboard 
their ships. Then they raise a smoke, and the natives of the land, 
seeing the smoke, come to the shore and lay down gold as much as 
they think the goods are worth; then they withdraw quite a distance. 
The Carthaginians upon that come ashore again and look; if they 
think the gold enough, they take it and go their way; but if not, they 
go on board again and wait. The others approach and add more 
gold till they satisfy them. They say that neither party wrongs the 
other; for they themselves do not touch the gold till it comes up to 
the value of their wares, nor do the others lay hands on the goods till 
the gold has been taken away." 

58. Most of their settlements were temporary trading The chief 
posts, but in some districts, where wealth and prosperity ^°^°°*^^- 
seemed to be constant, they established permanent colo- 
nies. The most famous of these were Utica and Carthage 

in North Africa, Tarshish and Gades (Cadiz) in Spain, 
and the cities of western Sicily. The tie between the 
colony and the home-land was close. The mother city a coioniai 
usually maintained a political and religious supremacy, ^^p**"^- 
Thus Tyre under its kings was during these centuries the 
head of a flourishing Colonial Empire. 

59. The Phoenicians carried things more valuable than Phoenician 
the merchandise of the east to the western world, for they civiiizl-*** 
also made known to it the higher arts of life. Thus the tion- 
systems of weights and measures, the achievements of 
eastern art, and, above all, the alphabet, became the pos- 
session of the peoples of the Mediterranean. The Phoeni- 
cians improved upon these things before they handed them The 

on. This is especially true of the alphabet. In the in- ^^p^*^«*- 
terests of their business activities they so simplified and 
modified the various modes of writing acquired by them 
from the eastern nations, that we are not able to say from 



46 



The Syrian Empires 



The 
Philistines. 

Origin. 



which one o. the eastern systems, whether the Egyptian, 
or the Babylonian, or the Arabian, the Phoenician alphabet 
is derived. We only know that the Phoenician alphabet 
is the basis of ours. 

60. The Phoenicians made their conquests upon the 
shores of the Mediterranean in the peaceful ways of trade. 
Not so arose the other great states of Syria. Closely con- 
nected with the mighty migration from Asia Minor in the 
time of Ramses III (§ 44), we find a new people in pos- 
session of the broad plain which lies at the southeastern 
corner of the Mediterranean. The Philistines — called 
by Ramses III the Pulsta — though they were evidently 
not Semites, accepted the language and customs of the 
Semitic cities which they ruled.* As these cities lay on 
the main routes of trade from Egypt into Asia, their lords, 
the Philistines, were rich and powerful and flourished 
exceedingly. They were a fighting folk, far superior in 
weapons and the arts of war to the peaceful Semites about 
them, and soon began to make their power felt through- 
out the whole maritime plain from Mt. Carmel in the north 
Expansion, to the highlands in the east. They began to push up into 
the interior and came into conflict with a people that had 
settled the mountain valleys, some time after they them- 
selves had conquered the plain. This people was Israel 
(§ 52). In the first encounters Israel was badly beaten, 
although in fact, as will soon appear, the Philistine victories 
were only temporary. A proof of the importance and 
renown of the Philistines is seen in the fact that the name 
by which southern Syria is known — Palestine — is derived 
from the Philistines. 



Palestine. 



*The five cities of the Philistines were Gaza, Gath, Ashdod, As- 
kelon and Ekron. 



The Rise of Israel 47 

6i. Israel, after escaping from Egypt and wandering Israel, 
for a generation in the desert south of Syria (§ 52), moved 
to the east of the Dead sea, crossed the Jordan river and 
burst into the highlands of Palestine about 11 50 B.C. Origin. 
They were a wild, wandering folk with a simple faith in 
their god, Jehovah, who had given them, through Moses ReUgion. 
his servant, the Ten Commandments, and was for them 
the one supreme lord of justice and truth, their deHverer 
and friend. 

The Ten Commandments are the noblest brief collection of the 
laws of right living that has come down from the ancient world. 
They are the following: 

I am Jehovah thy God: 

1. Thou shalt have none other gods before me. 

2. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image. 

3. Thou shalt not take the name of Jehovah thy god in vain. 

4. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. 

5. Honor thy father and thy mother. 

6. Thou shalt do no murder. 

7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 

8. Thou shalt not steal. 

9. Thou shalt not bear false witness. 
10. Thou shalt not covet. 

62. After a century occupied in overcoming the people National 
of the region, called the Canaanites, and settling down ^^ °^' 
as farmers, they began to desire a national life and an or- 
ganized government. What brought this to a head was 
the attack and temporary supremacy of the Philistines 
(§ 60). A religious leader, Samuel, organized a band of samuei 
prophets who went about preaching deliverance through ^op^et. 
Jehovah and stirred up the people to rebellion. He also 
presented to them a king whom Jehovah had chosen, 
Saul, a frank, impetuous, mighty man of valor. He be- 



48 



The Syrian Empires 



Saul the 
Warrior. 

David 

the 

Hero. 



Solomon 

the 

Organizer. 



came the first king of Israel (about 1050 B.C.), and beat 
back the PhiHstines. 

63. After his death David was chosen king, another 
heroic and magnetic warrior, who was also a man of 
genius and statesmanship. He built up an army with 
which he defeated his enemies, extended the authority of 
Israel over neighboring peoples and made its influence 
felt as far north as the Euphrates river. His greatest 
work was the estabHshment of the national capital at Je- 
rusalem, where the king dwelt, the court assembled, jus- 
tice was administered and Jehovah was worshipped as 
the national god. 

64. David was followed by his son Solomon (about 
975 B.C.). As his father had been the founder of the state, 
so he became its organizer. He had a masterly mind for 
politics and administration. To break up sectional feel- 
ing and to weld the state firmly together, he divided the 
land into twelve districts as the basis for his administra- 
tion. He instituted regular taxes, had a standing army, 
entered into alliances with neighboring states. One of 
the most important of these alliances was that with Hi- 
ram, king of Tyre, the most brilhant of the Phoenician 
rulers. Together they made commercial expeditions on 
the Red sea and the Indian ocean. Solomon also allied 
himself with the king of Egypt and married his daugh- 
ter. He made trading alliances with the peoples of the 
north. Thus Israel became a nation among the other 
nations of the world. Solomon used his abundant 
wealth to strengthen and beautify his kingdom, build- 
ing cities and fortresses at strategic points for trade and 
defence. Jerusalem was the object of his special attention. 
There he built palaces, walls, and the famous Temple, 



The Disruption of Israel 49 

the wonder and pride of his people, for the worship of 
Jehovah. When he died, Israel was the leading state of 
Syria, and a splendid future seemed to be assured. 

65. But Solomon was in advance of his people and his weakness 
time. The people resented his strict government with its ^^^l]^,^ 
taxes, its military service, its forced labor on the palaces Regime, 
and forts. They had been only two centuries out of the 

free life of the desert, and the memory of it remained. 
They did not care to play the imperial role which Solomon 
designed for them. When after his death his son continued 
his father's policy, the northern tribes refused to recognize 
him and elected another king, leaving him to be king over 
his own tribe, Judah. This event is known as the Dis- The Dis- 
ruption (about 930 B.C.); it was the death-blow to the '■"p**°°- 
position of Israel as a world-power. Henceforth there 
were two kingdoms on the highlands of Palestine — Israel 
in the north and Judah in the south. The capital of 
Judah remained at Jerusalem. Israel's new capital was 
placed at Samaria. Israel's kings tried to play the part 
of David and Solomon on a smaller scale, while Judah 
was content to lead a quiet and secluded life under the 
descendants of those great rulers. 

66. By this time (925 B.C.) the Arameans, who had The 
migrated into Syria (§ 54), had become settled. Both ^''^"^^^"s- 
David and Solomon had come into contact with them. 

One of their leaders got possession of the city of Damas- At 

cus, where he set up a kingdom (about 975 B.C.). Damas- ^^°^^^^"s- 

cus was the chief trading centre of Syria, the halting-place 

of caravans, where merchants from Egypt and the East 

met to exchange their wares and to supply the wandering 

tribes that came in from the neighboring desert. The city 

was beautiful for situation, lying in the midst of a well- 



50 The Syrian Empires 

watered and fertile valley on the edge of the desert, mid- 
way between the Mediterranean and the Mesopotamian 
Growth. valley, between Egypt and the Euphrates. The Aramean 
kingdom planted at this strategic point soon became pow 
erful and began to lay its hand upon the districts round 
Wars with about. Soon it came into touch with Israel, and the re- 
israei. lations, at first friendly, passed later into enmity, each 

power striving for mastery over the land of Syria. 
The End of 67. Neither of these states, however, was destined for 
Greatness, empire. The troubles that had held back the greater 
powers on the Euphrates and Tigris were over; the brief 
career of splendor for the kingdoms of Syria was at an end. 
Already Assyria was knocking at the gates of the West, 
and the conflicts of Philistia, Judah, Israel and Damas- 
cus were swallowed up in the fiercer struggle of all against 
the oncoming Assyrian might. Thus a new period of the 
history of the Ancient East was ushered in. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- 
lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 

4. The Syrian Empires, 1100-900 b.c. 

I. Immigration — Syria's opportunity — the four peoples. 2. 
Phoenicians — land, occupations — Tyre, colonization and colonial 
empire — services to civilization. 3. Philistines — origin — expan- 
sion. 4. Israel — origin — religion — organization — Samuel — Saul 
— David — Solomon — disruption. 5. Arameans — at Damascus — 
growth — wars with Israel. 6. Close of Syrian period — summary. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Who were the Arameans, the Kass- 
ites, the Canaanites, the Kaldi? 2. For what were the follow- 
ing places noted: Carthage, Damascus, Jerusalem, Thebes, 
Gades, Tyre, Gaza? 3. For what were the following persons 



The Land of Assyria 51 

famous: Solomon, Hammurabi, Thutmose? 4. Prepare a map 
showing the extent of Phoenician colonization. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Phoe- 
nicians. Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 178-209; Ragozin, 
Assyria, ch. 3. 2. Moses and His Work. Encyclopedia Bri- 
tannica, article "Moses." 3. The Reign of David. Encyclo- 
pedia Britannica, article "David"; Kent, History of Hebrew 
People, United Kingdom, pp. 136-168. 4. The Story of the 
Disruption, i. Kings, ch. 12; Kent, History, Divided King- 
dom, pp. 1-25. 5. The Temple at Jerusalem. Encyclopedia 
Britannica, article "Temple"; International Encyclopedia, art- 
icle "Temple"; Kent, History, United Kingdom, ch. 13. 



5.— THE WORLD- EMPIRE OF ASSYRIA 

900-600 B.C. 

68. The kingdom of Assyria since the days of its be- Assyria, 
ginning (§ 39) had fought with Babylonia, at first for its 

own existence and then for mastery in the Mesopotamian Early 
valley. Meanwhile it had pushed up the Tigris and c°°*^^*^°"^- 
taken firm possession of the country between the upper 
course of the river and the eastern mountains. Besides 
the city of Assur, its chief centres were Calah, Arbela 
and Nineveh — the last destined to be the capital of the 
Empire. In the northeastern upland corner of Mesopo- 
tamia, life was not so easy as in Babylonia; the climate 
was colder, the land less fertile, wild beasts plentiful, the 
mountaineers threatening. Hence, the Assyrians had to 
fight with nature and man for their life, and by this train- 
ing became hardy and warlike. They had to make their 
way by sword and spear rather than by plough and spade. 

69. One other means of advancement was open to them 
— that of commerce and trade. Their land lay across the 



52 The World-Empire of Assyria 



The Com- 
mercial 
Oppor- 
tunity. 



Assyrian 
Expansion. 



Toward the 
West. 



Conquest 
of Babylon, 

of Egypt 



and of the 
North. 



ways of traffic from east to west and from north to south. 
When by force of arms they had estabHshed themselves as 
a nation, they were tempted by commercial opportunities to 
extend their power beyond their borders. To wrest from 
Babylonia the possession of the upper Euphrates was one 
ambition, for that meant complete control of the rich trade 
with Syria and Egypt. Another source of wealth was to 
be found in the mountain- valleys to the north, in the coun- 
try called Armenia, for through them ran the roads into 
Asia Minor. Thus the Assyrians were led on to wider 
conquests, until the whole world lay at their feet. 

70. Their early efforts at expansion were checked by 
the Aramean migration into Mesopotamia (§ 54), which 
forced them back into their own borders and thus gave 
Syria its opportunity for independent empire. But by 
900 B.C. the Arameans had settled down and Assyria 
lifted her head. Under a vigorous and fearless king, 
whose name was Ashurnatsirpal, the conquering move- 
ment began anew. He brought northern Mesopotamia, 
as far as the Euphrates, and southern Armenia under the 
yoke. His son crossed the Euphrates and made northern 
Syria subject. His great-grandson carried the Assyrian 
arms to the southwest as far as Philistia. Thus by 800 
B.C. the Assyrian armies had marched throughout the 
length and breadth of Syria. 

71. The next century saw the downfall of Babylonia, 
when the Assyrian conqueror, Tiglathpileser III, in 728 
B.C., became king in Babylon. Fifty years later Egypt 
became subject (670 B.C.); in another generation Elam 
was conquered (645 B.C.). Meanwhile Assyrian armies 
had marched into the mountains surrounding the Meso- 
potamian plain. In the northwest they penetrated into 



Organization of the Assyrian Empire 53 

Asia Minor; in the northeast they reached the Caspian 
sea. In extent and power Assyria was the mightiest 
Empire that the ancient world had known. 

72. Assyria reached t) 's splendid height during the Assyria at 
reigns of four rulers, the first of whom was Sargon (722- 

705 B.C.), who was followed in regular succession by 
Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.), Esarhaddon (681-668 B.C.), 
and Ashurbanipal (668-626 B.C.), each the son of his 
predecessor. Under these kings Assyria became an im- 
perial state. Conquered countries were organized into An Empire, 
districts under the rule of an imperial officer who had a 
military force at his command and was responsible for 
order and peace; he collected the taxes and administered 
justice. Such districts we call Provinces. Assyria was 
the first to introduce provincial government — a great ad- 
vance in imperial administration. The Assyrians also Provincial 
invented the plan of removing the inhabitants of a city ^gn^/"" 
or district from their homes and putting in their places 
other people from a distant part of the Empire. This is 
called Deportation. It destroyed the old feeling of local 
patriotism and made people more willing to accept the 
rule of the central government. Thus the Empire was 
built up solidly and all parts of it united under the rule of 
the great king at Nineveh. 

73. That Assyria's government of conquered countries Rebeiuons 

of Vd.SS3.ls 

was not perfect is shown by the many rebellions that arose 
among them. Whenever they had the slightest encour- 
agement to revolt, they flew to arms. Thus Syria was 
constantly being stirred up by Egypt, which during these 
three centuries had been slowly growing stronger and was 
trying to get back its lost empire. In 745 B.C. Damascus in the 
and Israel joined in such rebellion; as a result Tiglath- 



54 The World-Empire of Assyria 

pileser III put an end to Damascus and severely pun- 
ished Israel. The latter, however, rebelled again, and 
perished at the hands of Sargon in 722 B.C. All the bet- 
ter classes of citizens were deported and the state became 
an Assyrian province. 

The king describes his capture of Samaria and punishment of 
Israel in these words: "The city of Samaria I besieged; 27,290 
inhabitants of it I carried away captive; fifty chariots in it I took 
for myself, but the remainder (of the people) I allowed to retain their 
possessions. I appointed my governor over them, and the tribute 
of the preceding king I imposed upon them," 

injudah, 74. Judah's king, Ahaz, had already submitted to As- 
syria, but his son and successor, Hezekiah, joined in a 
rebelHon of the Syrian states, which brought Sennacherib 
on the scene in 701 B.C. He punished the rebels severely, 
but met with a disaster which compelled him to retire 
without capturing Jerusalem. 

The Old Testament describes the disaster thus: 'Tt came to pass 
that night that the angel of Jehovah went forth and smote in the 
camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five thousand: 
and when men arose early in the morning, behold, they were all 
dead corpses. So Sennacherib, king of Assyria, departed, and went 
and returned and dwelt at Nineveh" (2 Kings 19: 35, 36). 

In Baby- 75. A mighty revolt arose in Babylonia against Ashur- 

'°"'*- banipal. The Kaldi (§ 54) had been unceasing enemies of 

Assyria ever since her entrance into Babylonia, and now 
secured the aid of the Elamites (§9). At this time a 
brother of the Assyrian king was governor of Babylonia; 
he made common cause with them and invited other sub- 
ject peoples to join the conspiracy. The storm broke in 
652 B.C.; only by the most tremendous efforts did Ashur- 



PLATE V 







An Assyrian Rt4iet. Huntin^r Scene 



Hill ii /°k 



^ 



^^. 



^^1^ 



■!((,>; 






An Assyrian Relief. Battle Scene, the Storming of a City 
TYPICAL ASSYRIAN SCENES 



The Splendor of Assyria 55 

banipal gain the victory. The faithless brother perished 
in the flames of his palace, and the other rebels, with their 
aUies, were fearfully punished. 

76. The kings of the family of Sargon were wealthy Assyrian 
and proud monarchs. Magnificent palaces were built ^^q^^^^' 
by them at Nineveh. Sargon founded in connection with 
his palace a city capable of holding 80,000 people. The Arcwtect- 
palace itself filled twenty-five acres and had at least two ^^^' 
hundred rooms. The halls were lined with sculptured Sculpture, 
slabs of alabaster picturing the king's campaigns; at 
either side of the great door-ways stood mighty winged 
bulls carved in stone. The royal temple-tower with seven 
stories, each story faced with tiles of a color different from 
that of the others, rose out of the palace court one hundred 
and forty feet high. Inscriptions describing the mighty 
deeds of the kings in war and peace were written on the 
palace walls or on great monuments standing in the courts. 
In the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh was a Hbrary Libraries, 
consisting of tens of thousands of clay books arranged on 
shelves. They consisted in part of official documents 
and also of the choicest religious, historical and scientific 
literature of the Babylonian and Assyrian world. Ashur- 
banipal tells us of his youthful training, how ''he acquired 
the wisdom of (the god) Nabu, learned all the knowledge 
of writing of all the scribes, and learned how to shoot with 
the bow, to ride on horses and in chariots and to hold the 
reins." The Assyrians, however, were a practical, not a The Debt to 
literary, people; they were content to accept all the learn- * ^°°* 
ing of the Babylonians and did not add to it. Their lan- 
guage, their art, their religion, all follow Babylonian mod- 
els. The god Ashur, the lord and patron of the state, 
the leader of the armies in war, stood at the head of the- 



56 The World-Empire of Assyria 



Assyrians 
as Admin- 
istrators. 



The Fatal 
Weakness. 



The Fall of 
the Assyr- 
ian Em- 
pire. 



gods, the rest of whom have the same names and charac- 
teristics as those of Babylonia. 

77. The Assyrians were good warriors and excellent 
administrators. They knew how to conquer and how to 
rule better than any people that had hitherto appeared. 
They broke down the separate nations of the east and 
welded them into a unity. They spread abroad the civil- 
ization of the east throughout the Empire and extended 
commerce. But they did not know how to attach conquered 
peoples to themselves and give them something to do be- 
yond paying taxes. They were just, but not generous; 
toward rebels and obstinate enemies they were outra- 
geously cruel. Hence their Empire, although superior to 
all its predecessors, did not endure. 

Ashurnatsirpal describes the punishment of a rebellious city as fol- 
lows: "I drew near to the city of Tela. The city was very strong; 
three walls surrounded it. The inhabitants trusted to their strong 
walls and numerous soldiers; they did not come down or embrace 
my feet. With battle and slaughter I assaulted and took the city. 
Three thousand warriors I slew in battle. Their booty and posses- 
sions, cattle, sheep, I carried away; many captives I burned with 
fire. Many of their soldiers I took alive; of some I cut off hands and 
limbs; of others the noses, ears, and arms; of many soldiers I put out 
the eyes. I reared a column of the living and a column of heads. I 
hung up on high their heads on trees in the vicinity of their city. 
Their boys and girls I burned up in the flame. I devastated the city, 
dug it up, in fire burned it; I annihilated it." 

78. The fall of Assyria was sudden and startling. At 
the death of Ashurbanipal, in 626 B.C., the Empire seemed 
strong. But on the eastern mountains the Medes had 
been gathering from the far east, ready to descend upon 
the plains in irresistible power. For a time Assyria beat 
them off, but they returned. At last the province of Baby- 



Fall of Assyria 57 

Ionia broke away and allied itself with the Medes. This 
was the finishing stroke. The next assault was successful. 
Nineveh was taken in 606 B.C., and, with its capture, 
Assyria vanished. So complete was its collapse that the 
very site and name of Nineveh disappeared from the 
knowledge of mankind, only to be recovered by the in- 
vestigations of scholars and travellers in the last century. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- 
lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian 
Empires. 

5. The World-Empire of Assyria, 900-600 b.c. 

I. Origin — early conditions of land and people — the commercial 
opportunity- 2. Expansion — westward — southward — to Egypt — 
to the north. 3. The Assyrian Empire — extent — imperial rulers — 
organization — rebellions in west, in Babylon. 4. Assyrian civiliza- 
tion — architecture — sculpture — libraries — debt to Babylon — admin- 
istration — its weakness. 5. Fall of Assyrian Empire. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following places 
noted: Samaria, Assur, Nineveh, Tyre? 2. For what were the 
following famous: Sargon of Assyria, Sargon of Agade, Ashur- 
banipal, Ramses II? 3. What is meant by province, colony, 
shekel? 4. When did Sargon of Assyria live? 5. What is the 
date of the fall of Nineveh? 6. What is the difference between 
Syria and Assyria? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Rise of 

Assyria. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 3; Goodspeed, 
§§ 108-112. 2. The Kings of the House of Ashurnatsirpal. 
Goodspeed, §§ 158-184. 3. The Dynasty of Sargon. Murison, 
Babylonia and Assyria, §§36-58; Goodspeed, §§ 203-263. 4. 
The Fall of Assyria. Goodspeed, §§ 264-273; Murison, Baby- 
lonia and Assyria, §§ 59-61. 5. The Palace of Sargon. Good- 
speed, § 215; Ragozin, Assyria, pp. 278-294; Maspero, Ancient 



58 The Median and Kaldean Empires 

Egypt and Assyria, ch. ii. 6. The Library of Ashurbanipal. 
Ragozin, Chaldea, Introduction, ch. 4; Maspero, Ancient Egypt 
and Assyria, ch. 16. 7. "The Assyrian came down like a wolf 
on the fold:" Does this line of Byron justly characterize 
Assyrian warfare ? 



6 — THE MEDIAN AND KALDEAN EMPIRES 



600-538 B.C. 



Medes and 
Babylo- 
nians Heirs 
of Assyria. 



The Kal- 
dean Em- 
pire. 



Nebuchad- 
rezzar. 



79. The Medes, whose sudden attack overthrew the 
Assyrian Empire, had been sifting into the eastern moun- 
tains for more than a century. They were the advance 
guard of a migration of Indo- Germanic peoples (§9) 
which was to overwhelm the Semitic world (§7) and usher 
in a new era. Their alliance with the rebellious province 
of Babylonia brought about Assyria's fall and meant 
the division of the world between the two victors. The 
Medes received the eastern and northern mountain re- 
gions, stretching from the Persian gulf to Asia Minor. 
The Babylonians obtained the Mesopotamian valley west 
of the Tigris and the Mediterranean coast-lands. Thus 
two Empires sprang up where Assyria had once ruled. 

80. Babylonia's rebellion against Assyria really marked 
the victory of the Kaldi (§ 54) in their long struggle with 
the Assyrians. The new Babylonian Empire therefore 
was a Kaldean Empire. It had a short career of splendor 
under its greatest king, Nebuchadrezzar (605-562 B.C.), 
who, secure from outside attack by his alliance with the 
Medes, devoted himself to the strengthening of his Empire 
and the restoration of the land and cities of Babylonia. 
He had trouble with the subject kingdom of Judah, which 
rebelled several times and was finally destroyed, its capital, 



The Median Empire and Cyrus 59 

Jerusalem, burned to the ground and the Jews deported End of 
to Babylonia (586 B.C.). There they soon became an in- ^^^^^' 
dustrious and wealthy part of the population. The king 
spent vast sums of money in fortifying and beautifying 
the city of Babylon. He surrounded it with a triple wall, 
built splendid palaces and made magnificent gardens for 
his Median wife. Babylon in his time was the largest, 
richest and most wonderful city of the Ancient World. 

81. Meanwhile the Median Empire had been having a The 
checkered experience. In the far northwest it had come Empi«. 
into conflict with the expanding Empire of Lydia, which 

had reduced all Asia Minor under its yoke. From the 
north new migrations of Scythians, a wild nomadic folk 
from central Asia, poured over the borders. In the east 
and south a people closely related to the Medes was grow- 
ing in numbers and importance. This people, called the 
Persians, was for a time in subjection to the Medes. Over- 
Under the leadership of a petty prince called Cyrus they cymT" ^ 
rose up against their Median lords and succeeded in over- 
throwing them. In the year 550 B.C. Cyrus became king 
of the combined peoples and founded the Persian Empire. 

82. The Babylonian rulers that followed Nebuchad- TheCoaii- 
rezzar set themselves with the other powers of the world in cyrus^^'"^ 
opposition to Cyrus. Lydia, Egypt and even the leading 
Greek state, Sparta, joined with them in the endeavor to 

put a stop to his victorious career. It was all in vain. He 
defeated Croesus, king of Lydia, and captured him and its Over- 
his capital, Sardis (545 B.C.). Babylon was then attacked, 
and yielded to him in 538 B.C. Thus the last Semitic 
Empire of the Mesopotamian valley passed away and a 
new race took the reins of government over a wider world 
than had ever fallen within the bounds of an ancient state. 



60 



The World-Empire of Persia 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- 
lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires. 
5. The World-Empire of Assyria. 

6. The Median and Kaldean Empires, 600-538 b.c. 

I. The division of Assyria's empire. 2. The Kaldean Empire — 
why Kaldean? — Nebuchadrezzar — war with Judah — Babylon. 

3. The Median Empire — expansion — overthrown by Cyrus. 

4. Cyrus victor over all — fall of Babylon. 



7.— THE WORLD-EMPIRE OF PERSIA: 
FOUNDING AND ORGANIZATION 



ITS 



The New 
Elements. 



The 
Persian 
Land and 
People. 



550-500 B.C. 

83. Not only did the Persians belong to another race 
than the Semites of the Tigris- Euphrates valley, but the 
centre of empire was shifted by them farther to the east. 
This centre was the broad and lofty region east of the 
Tigris, from which the Zagros mountains rise. These 
consist of a series of high ridges running north and south 
with fertile valleys between. The whole country lay on 
an average 4,000 feet above the sea and suffered from 
wide extremes of climate. The people who inhabited it 
were vigorous and hardy, simple in manners, given to the 
raising of cattle and horses, or, in the few fertile valleys, 
to agriculture. Such were the Medes and Persians. Their 
capitals lay in this region — Ecbatana in the north, Per- 
sepolis in the east and Susa in the west. From this lofty 
land they went forth east and west to conquest and the 
founding of their Empire. 



The Career of Cyrus 61 

84. To the east lay the mighty table-land of Iran — Their 
1,000 miles long and 700 miles wide — girt about with high 
mountains. The greater part of it is desert; only in the 
north and northeast are fertile districts. On the slopes 

of the northern range along the southeastern coast of the 
Caspian sea lay Hyrcania; farther to the east was Par- 
thia; far to the northeast in the valleys of the lofty eastern 
mountains on the route leading over to India was the rich 
land of Bactria. The western lands are famihar to us — 
the Mesopotamian valley, the coast-lands of the eastern 
Mediterranean leading down to Egypt, and in the north- 
west, Armenia, stretching away to the table-land of Asia 
Minor and the coasts of the ^Egean sea. Such was the 
prospect opening before the Persians, eager to enter into 
the struggle for the possession of these broad lands. 

85. Cyrus, as we have seen, was the leader of the cyrus. 
Persians in this world-campaign; his conquest of the 
Empires of Media, Lydia and Babylonia has already been 
described. During the remainder of his career he seems His Career, 
to have added the eastern lands to his domain and is said 

to have died in battle with an insignificant folk on the far 
northeastern borders (530 B.C.). At the time of his death 
his eldest son, Cambyses, was the heir to the throne, and a 
younger son, Bardiya, was governor of the northeastern 
lands. Cyrus made a deep impression upon the men of His char- 
his own and of later times. A Jewish prophet hailed him ^'^^"' 
as the one called by Jehovah to deliver the Jews from their 
Babylonian captivity. The Greek, Herodotus, calls him 
the father of his people, and says that in the estimation of 
the Persians he was above all comparison, being of all 
those of his time the bravest and the best beloved. 

86. For Cambyses, his successor (530-522 B.C.), one cambyscs. 



62 The World-Empire of Persia 

region remained unconquered — Egypt. This he added to 
his domains. Before departing for Egypt he had caused 
Bardiya to be put to death for fear of his attempting to 
seize the throne. But this did not prevent a pretender 
named Gaumata from stirring up rebellion during his ab- 
sence in Egypt, and Cambyses died while returning to pun- 
ish him. It seemed that the pretender might succeed, but 

Darius. Darius, a cousin of Cambyses, was able to kill the rebel 
and after fierce struggles in the heart of the realm to secure 
the throne. He ruled for thirty-five years (521-486 B.C.) 
with splendid vigor and wise statesmanship. 

The Organ- 87. Pcrsia, ou the accession of Darius, occupied the en- 

the Empke. tire known world of the East. This world was a natural 
geographical whole, some 3,000 miles in length and from 
500 to 1,500 miles in width, surrounded for the most part 
by seas, mountains or deserts — "more than half the size 
of modern Europe." But Httle attention as yet had been 
given to its organization. This was the first and most 
memorable work of Darius. He followed the Assyrian 
system (§72) and improved upon it. The Empire was 
divided into about twenty provinces, each in charge of 

Officials an official called the satrap. Two assistants were given 
him, a secretary and a general. All were appointed by 
the king; each was independent of the others and kept 
watch upon them. This arrangement made the three 
efficient and kept them faithful. Each province had to 

Taxes pay taxcs according to its ability ; so wisely was the income 

from all sources organized that the sum realized was not 
far from a billion dollars yearly. A system of coinage 
was instituted and three royal coins were minted — the 
gold daric ($5), the silver stater (50 cents) and the silver 

Army. drachma (25 cents). The army was made up of an Imperial 



The Persian Provincial System 63 

guard, of native Medes and Persians, the ''Immortals," 
and of troops from the various provinces. The strongest 
corps of the service was the cavalry armed with the bow. 
In one thing especially the Persian government was su- 
perior to those that had gone before — in its provincial careof 
system. The kings took special interest in the affairs of P''°^''^^^^- 
the province to secure its peace and prosperity. Its cus- 
toms and religion were not interfered with. The satrap 
was enjoined to secure justice and protection to the in- 
habitants. Trade was encouraged. Roads were built, 
and travel was made safe and comfortable. A royal post 
carried messages from the capital over these roads to the 
ends of the Empire. 

Herodotus describes the Royal Post in these words: There is 
nothing mortal which accompHshes a journey with more speed than 
these messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: 
for they say that according to the number of the days of which the 
entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, 
each man and horse appointed for a day's journey. Neither snow 
nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents each one of these 
from accomplishing the task proposed to him with the very utmost 
speed. The first rides and delivers the message with which he is 
charged to the second, and the second to the third; and so it goes 
through handed from one to the other. 

88. Physically the early Persians were great, strong The Early 
men, with thick hair and beard, clear- eyed and active; in ^®"'^"/- 
character they were pure-hearted and brave. The com- 
mon people were intensely devoted to their chiefs, who 
exhibited the characteristic Persian virtues at their high- 
est. Herodotus tells us that the training of the sons of 
the nobles consisted in riding, shooting the bow and speak- 
ing the truth. Their religion was lofty and inspiring. By 



64 The World-Empire of Persia 

Their their prophet Zoroaster, who lived about 600 B.C., they 

Religion. ^gj-g taught that two supreme divine Powers were in con- 
i flict for the mastery of the world — the Power of Good and 
\ the Power of Evil. Zoroaster called upon them to choose 
the Good and fight for him against the Evil, to hate the 
Lie and to love the Truth. Thus, all life was for them a 
moral conflict, brightened by the faith that the Good and/ 
True would finally be victorious. This simple and sub-^ 
lime doctrine made them men of courage, nobility and 
virtue, conscious of a mission to fulfil in the world. 
Effect of 89. But they were still an uncultivated folk. When 

Them" ^^ ^^^7 Came into possession of the wide Eastern world with 
its higher culture and its lower morals, they were gradu- 
ally corrupted. They accepted the higher culture, but 
they were also affected by the lower morality. This 
change appears prominently in the royal court. The 
Babylonian forms of court-life were adopted. Persian 
devotion to the chief became slavish subjection to the 
Great King, whose slightest wish was law. The sudden 
increase of wealth, following upon the possession of the 
world, produced luxury and feebleness. In the realm of 
art and architecture the ideals and achievements of Assyria 
and Egypt were the models. Magnificent royal palaces 
at Susa and Persepolis show Httle if anything that is new 
in artistic style. An imposing grandeur appears, rising 
out of the combination of all the old forms that the artists 
of the Semitic world had worked out, but that is all. Of 
course these changes in manners and culture came slowly. 
Later history was to reveal how low the Persians were to 
fall before their work was done and their Empire was 
swept away. 
90. Besides his scheme of organization, Darius extended 



Persia and the Greek States 65 

his Empire by means of war. In the far east he advanced wars of 
into India and added the valley of the Indus river to his ^^""^• 
dominions. In the west he marched through Asia Minor 
across the Bosphorus to attack the Scythians (515 B.C.). 
This expedition brought him into close contact with the Contact 
Greeks. It was the most important among a series of ^^^^^^ 
events which led to the wars between the Persian Empire 
and the Greek States. With these wars the Greeks came 
fully into the current of the world's history, to hold, hence- 
forth, the commanding position. Hence the centre of our 
study shifts from the east to the west, from Persia to 
Greece. The old world of Asia falls back; the new world a New Age. 
of Europe takes its place (500 B.C.). 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

I. The First Kingdoms in Babylonia and Egypt. 2. The Early Baby- 
lonian Empire. 3. The Egyptian Empire. 4. The Syrian Empires. 
5. The World-Empire of Assyria. 6. The Median and Kaldean 
Empires. 

7. The World-Empire of Persia; Early Period, 550-500 b.c. 

I. The new elements — land — people — outlook. 2. The kings — 
Cyrus, career and character — Cambyses — Darius. 3. Organiza- 
tion — officials — divisions — taxes — coinage — army — care of prov- 
inces. 4. Social life — character of people — religion — effect of 
culture. 5. Wars of Darius — contact with Greece — its meaning. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following famous: 
Cyrus, Nebuchadrezzar, Darius? 2. Who were the Scythians, 
the Lydians, the Jews, the Kaldi? 3. For what are the follow- 
ing noted: Sardis, Carthage, Susa, Tyre, Persepolis? 4. What 
is meant by drachma, papyrus, satrap, province? 5. When did 
Nebuchadrezzar live? 6. When did Cyrus live? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The Baby- 
lon of Nebuchadrezzar. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, 



66 Summary of Oriental History 

§ 67; Goodspeed, §§ 299-303; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. 
2. The Victories of Cyrus. Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 11. 3. The 
Story of the Accession of Darius. Herodotus, Book II, pp. 
67-88; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 13. 4. The Organization of 
the Persian Empire. Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 247-250; Ra- 
gozin, Media, etc., pp. 384-391. 5. The Scythian Expedition 
of Darius. Herodotus, Book IV, pp. 1-142; Ragozin, Media, 
etc., pp. 412-429. 6. The Palaces of Persepolis. Sayce, An- 
cient Empires, pp. 270-272; Ragozin, Media, etc., pp. 391-41 1. 



Meaning of 

Oriental 

History. 



Beginnings. 



Progress. 



Govern- 
ment. 



Monarchy. 



91. Thus the history of the supremacy of the Ancient 
East comes to an end. In gathering up the meaning of it 
we notice several important facts : 

1. It was a time of Beginnings in government, in the arts 
of life, in science, in literature and in religion. *'A11 be- 
ginnings are difficult," says the Greek proverb. Most 
difficult and therefore most important and instructive were 
these beginnings of mankind in learning how to live in the 
world and in preparing the way for something better. 

2. It was an age of Progress. Men were not content 
with what they had first gained, but kept seeking some- 
thing better. They found out better methods of getting 
a Hving and making war, of building cities and governing 
states, of writing, of doing business, and of enjoying them- 
selves. They learned more about themselves, about their 
relations to one another, to the world in which they lived 
and to the higher powers. 

3. The Forms and Ideals of Government were valuable 
and instructive. The fundamental institution was Mon- 
archy. The king was the head of the State; he was the 
State. The purpose of the state was threefold: the wor- 
ship of the gods, the glory of the king and the maintenance 
of justice for the citizens. The one produced stately tem- 























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Culture and Religion 67 

pies, artistic work of every sort, literature and a measure 
of order and comfort in the community. The second gave Empire, 
rise to the Imperial States whose history we have followed, 
with their wealth, their palaces, their armies. The third 
is the source of those systems of law and the arrangements 
for prosperity and progress that call for wonder and ad- 
miration. Especially is the notion of Universal Empire, 
entertained by the ancient rulers and in part realized 
by some of them, one of the most powerful and permanent 
ideals which the world has known. 

4. In this age the foundations were laid for many Arts Culture. 
and Sciences. Work done by these men in the precious 
metals, in stone and wood, has in some respects never 

been surpassed. Arithmetic, chronology, grammar, en- 
gineering, astronomy and metrology, not to speak of other 
sciences, reached no mean height of development among 
them. 

5. Among these peoples Religion had a supreme place ReUgion. 
and power. The gods were in and through all things, and 

all things were for their glory. A high idea of the divine 
power prevailed; in course of time the gods came to be 
known as guardians of right and truth. By one of these 
peoples the great array of deities was condensed into two 
divine powers, one of good and one of evil, standing over 
against each other; these men looked confidently for the 
final victory of the good god and were encouraged thereby. 
Yet another people, Israel, believed in one God alone, the 
Lord of Righteousness and Mercy; his prophets taught a 
knowledge of him which the world has never lost and 
never surpassed. In a later day it became the foundation 
of the Christian faith, professed by the nations of the west- 
ern world. 



68 Summary of Oriental History 

Relation to 6. In a word, the history of these peoples is important 
Ourselves, j^g^ause the record and influence of all their achievements 
have passed on from the east to the west and have entered 
into our life. Even their errors and mistakes, their sin and 
its punishment, contain instructive lessons for ourselves. 
What they have achieved of good and abiding worth is in 
large measure the source of our higher life, our science, 
our art, our governments and our religion. 

GENERAL REVIEW OF PART I 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. What were the chief 
influences of the geography of the Oriental world upon its his- 
tory? See §§ 5, 6, 8, 35, 56, 68, 69, 83, 84. 2. How did the 
invasions of the desert and mountain tribes affect the history 
of the Oriental world? See §§ 9, 10, 38, 40, 51, 54, 6t, 79, 81. 
3. What were the chief commercial products of the Oriental 
world and from what countries did each come? See §§ 18, 
19, 20, 58, 59. 4. What special contribution to modern civil- 
ization was made by each of the great peoples studied? 
5. Trace the growth of government in the Oriental world, 
showing how new ideas were added from time to time. See 
§§ 12, 13, 14, 11, 21, 42, 45, 58, 64, 72, 87. 6. What were 
the main points of difference between the various religions of 
the Oriental world? See §§ 34, 49, 61, 88. 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES.* 1. Compare Babylonian- 
Assyrian and Egyptian architecture as illustrated in Plate IV. 
2. Enumerate such defects in Egyptian art as appear in Plates 
III, XIII. 3. From a study of Plate V, what subjects were 
most successfully treated by the Assyrian artists? How does 
this illustrate the national character? 4. Draw an outline map 
from memory of the field of ancient Oriental history, locating 
as many places and countries mentioned as possible. 

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Pyramids. Mas- 

pero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 363-377; Egyptian ArchEeol- 
ogy, ch. 3; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, ch. 4; History of 

*See Appendix II and Tarbell, History of Greek Art, pp. 1-46. 



The Eastern Empires 69 

Egypt, ch. 7; Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Egypt" (sub- 
division "Pyramids"). 2. Compare the laws of Hammurabi 
given in the text with the laws of the Hebrews contained in 
Exodus, chs. 21-23; Deuteronomy 15: 12-14; i9- 16-21. 
See also The Biblical World, March, 1903, pp. 175-190- 3. 
What did the ancient Oriental people think of the world? 
Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 16-22; Encyclopedia Bri- 
tannica, article "Cosmology." 4. Write an account of the de- 
parture of the Israelites from Egypt from the standpoint of an 
Egyptian, using the account given in Exodus, chs. 1-14, as 
the basis of your study. 5. What nations had stories of the 
flood? Ragozin, Story of Chaldea, ch. 6; Encyclopedia Britan- 
nica, article "Cosmology," also "Deluge." 6. What did the Nile 
do for Egypt? Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, ch. i; Rawlin- 
son, Story of Egypt, ch. i; Encyclopedia Britannica, article 
"Egypt." 7. The Education of an Assyrian Boy. Sayce, Baby- 
lonians and Assyrians, ch. 3; Goodspeed, History of Baby- 
lonians and Assyrians, § 261. 8. Life and Times of Nebuchad- 
rezzar. Goodspeed, Part IV, chs. 2-3; Maspero, Passing of the 
Empires, pp. 513-568; Harper, in Biblical World, July, 1899; 
Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. 



II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

500-200 B.C. 

PRELIMINARY SURVEY 

Physical 92. From the vast plains, broad rivers, mighty moun- 

of^Grlece^ tain-chains, trackless deserts, high table-lands, magnificent 
empires of the Ancient East — where the works of nature 
and man aHke are huge, massive, steadfast and over- 
powering, and history is measured by centuries or even 
millenniums — we turn to a very different scene in passing 
westward across the ^Egean sea to Greece. A petty 
peninsula, its rivers are rushing torrents on which no ship 
can sail, and its plains are deep, narrow basins between 
high ridges and peaks. Taken in its fullest extent it is 
less than half as large as the State of Illinois. Still, 
though Greece is small, it has striking natural character- 
istics. The lack of rivers is made up by innumerable 
bays and inlets from the sea, so that there is no spot of 
land which is more than forty miles from it. Half-way 
down the peninsula on its western side a deep gulf — the 
gulf of Corinth — almost cuts off the southern part, the 
Peloponnesus, while on the south are two bays, and 
on the east five, one of which actually parts Euboea 
from the mainland. Its mountains, though pursuing a 
general course from northwest to southeast, fly off in 
every direction from the Pindus range in the north to 
meet the sea, cutting the land up into a variety of inde- 

70 



The Geography of Greece 71 

pendent valleys and glens, and towering above them in 
ridges and peaks from five thousand to eight thousand 
feet in height, sometimes bare and stern, often thickly 
wooded or crowned with snow. Over sea, valley and 
mountain gleams a brilliant sky; the play of light and 
shade upon the varied scene is indescribably beautiful. 
From the points of bold promontories that stand out into 
the iEgean sea, islands, large and small, summits of lost 
mountain-peaks, push forth one after the other toward 
the eastward and go to meet similar islands that dot the 
shores of Asia Minor. Far to the south, Crete lies across 
the foot of the sea, sixty miles from the extremity of the 
Peloponnesus and barely twice as far from Asia Minor. 
93. Observe what the position of Greece and her re- 
lation to the sea meant for the life and history of her 
people. The ^Egean, pushing far upward, received ^°^y- 
the trade of the northwest, while it also opened into the 
Black sea, down to the northern and eastern shores of 
which came the roads from the far northeast. The bays 
on the eastern side of Greece, coupled with the innumer- 
able islands that stretched across the sea, made access easy 
for men coming from the east, the early home of civiliza- 
tion. Thus Greece lay at the very spot where the ways on Reia- 
of progress met, from north and east and south, and worid"**"^ 
extended welcoming hands to the bearers of the world's without, 
best gifts. Yet the land was also protected. No hostile 
force could easily come down through the high mountains 
of the north. Should ships bring enemies, the coasts 
alone could be seized; the interior remained easily de- 
fensible. Moreover, intercourse by land in Greece, 
difficult on account of the mountains, was made easy by 
inlets from the sea. Hence the Greeks, hke the Phoe- 



72 The Greek Empires 

nicians of the eastern Mediterranean (§ 56), were early 
thrust forth on the water, and learned how to defend their 
shores as well as to engage in commerce with outside 
peoples. Thus Greece was at the same time an accessible 
and a defensible land. 
On the 94. The mountains had another important influence 

GreV«.° on Greek history. The narrow secluded valleys, into 
which they broke up the land, became seats of petty 
communities, each independent of the other, each zealous 
to maintain its own independence and each protected 
in its separateness by the mountain barriers which girt it 
about. Hence, for a long period, the history of Greece 
is a history of a variety of small states; unity of political 
life was the last thing secured and, when secured, was 
with difficulty maintained. On the other hand, this 
separateness in Greek political life had its advantages. 
A wonderful variety in forms of society and politics was 
produced, each state working out its own local problems 
with substantial freedom from interference and with the 
incitement of healthy rivalry with its neighbors. 
On the 95. In such physical conditions and relations a peculiar 

type of man was produced that the world had not seen 
before. In these little communities the single man 
counted for much. The individual was not lost in the 
crowd; hence individuality was an early trait of the Greek 
character. Devotion to his own state and pride in its 
independence gave him patriotism and a love of freedom. 
The beauty and variety of the natural world all about 
bred in him sensitiveness to form and color, while its 
steep, narrow and rugged ways made him healthy, strong 
and supple. All his circumstances called for quickness 
of body and mind, stimulated him to thought and action, 



Greek 
Character. 



The People of Greece 73 

and brought out a variety of resource and achievement 
that has been the admiration and the inspiration of 
mankind. Thus it has been well said that "the Greeks 
owed their greatness largely to the country in which it 
was their fortune to dwell." 

96. The Greeks belonged to the Indo-European family The Greek 
(§ 9), as is indicated by their language. If we may judge *°^ ^' 
from the ancient statues and from the prevailing Greek 

type of to-day, they were tall and spare in build, with oval 
face, long straight nose, bright large eye, fair complexion, 
of graceful and elastic carriage and a general harmony of 
form, free from signal excess or defect of any one charac- 
teristic. They were, in disposition, genial and sunny, 
imaginative and inquiring, temperate and chaste, vibrating 
between reasonableness and emotion, with an ambition 
which was not always nice about the means to gain its 
end, and a vivacity which leaned toward fickleness. 

97. Thus situated and endowed, the Greeks made Course of 
their history. Of this history we now are to take a brief Histo^ry 
survey in advance of its fuller treatment.* 

When civilization began in Greece is unknown. Our first knowl- ^\ Begin- 
edge reveals the dim outlines of states on the coasts and islands of 
the yEgean sea, ruled over by kings with much splendor; the arts of 
peace and war were far advanced; commerce with one another and 
with the east was flourishing. The cities of Mycenae and Troy and 
those upon the island of Crete were the chief centres; the period is 
sometimes called the Mycenaean Age (to about looo B.C.). About O The 
the beginning of the first millennium hordes of migrating peoples ^g^^"^^" 
descended from northwest Greece, chief among whom were the 
Dorians. Their rude onslaught broke up the kingdoms and the civ- 
ilization of the age, cut off Greece from relations with the east and 
compelled the building up of new political and social institutions. 

* See Preface for suggestions as to the handling of this section. 



74 



The Greek Empires 



(2) The 
Middle Age. 



(3) Age of 
Adjustment 
and Expan- 



2. First 
Attempts at 
Empire. 



3. Empires 
of Alexan- 
der and His 
Successors. 



This process of inner development went on for three centuries. 
The period may be called the Middle Age (1000-700 B.C.), since it 
lies between the earlier and the later bloom of Greek life. By the 
seventh century the results of the changes wrought began clearly 
to appear; commerce revived; city-states came forward, ruled over 
by aristocracies; struggles for the political rights of citizens followed. 
The outcome was the general predominance of popular government 
at home and the extension of Greek life and influence abroad over 
the .-Egean sea and beyond. Thus Greece was brought into contact 
with the eastern world again and, as never before, became a factor 
in world politics. This period of two centuries may be called the 
Age of Political Adjustment and Outward Expansion (700-500 B.C.). 

But contact with the eastern world soon came to be, in particular, 
a conflict with the Persian Empire — a conflict that, with intervals of 
peace, lasted for nearly two centuries (500-331 B.C.). To meet 
Persian attack, the separate Greek states united under the leadership 
of certain cities. These cities, taking advantage of the opportunity, 
sought to turn their leadership into imperial rule. First came the 
Empire of Athens over the states on the ^gean. After a period of 
splendor it fell, in 404 B.C. Sparta followed the example of Athens 
and was herself imitated by Thebes, but these projects of empire 
lasted but a brief time (to 365 B.C.). Meanwhile the Greek world of 
the far west was united under the rule of the city of Syracuse in an 
empire which flourished for a season. Finally, Macedonia, once 
hardly recognized as a part of Greece, gained, under King Philip, 
control over the Greek states. 

His son Alexander led the Greeks out against Persia in a final 
struggle which ended in the overthrow of Persia (331 B.C.). He 
established in its stead an Empire, embracing both Greece and 
Persia, the worthiest as well as the largest imperial state thus far 
appearing in history. Alexander's Empire endured only during his 
lifetime (331-323 B.C.). After his death it was divided among his 
generals, who finally set up three Empires on its ruins — the Mace- 
donian, ruling over Macedonia and the Greek states; the Syrian, 
ruling from Antioch over Syria and the East; the Egyptian, ruling 
over Egypt and part of Palestine. These Empires had endured 
scarcely a century when, from Italy, a new power, Rome, appeared 
on the scene. While the three Empires were steadily declining, 



Epochs of Greek History 75 

Rome had been rising. She had slowly become entangled in the 
affairs of the east. Soon she took a leading part in them. Thus 
the centre of power moved toward Italy. The history of the Greek 
world was merged into that of Rome (200 B.C.). 

98. Thus we have the following main divisions of this The 
portion of our history: DfvUions. 

II. The Greek Empires: to 200 b.c. 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion in East 

and West: to 500 B.C. 
(i) The Mycenaean Age: to 1000 B.C. 

(2) The Middle Age: 1000-700 b.c. 

(3) The Age of Political Adjustment and Out- 

ward Expansion: 700-500 B.C. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire — Athenian, Spartan, 

Theban and Macedonian: 500-331 B.C. 

3. The Empires of Alexander and his Successors, to the 

Appearance of Rome in the East: 331-200 B.C. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF GREEK HISTORY* 

Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, 
Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. 

Bury. History of Greece. Macmillan Co. The best single volume, 
combining a detailed treatment with accurate and up-to-date knowl- 
edge. Possibly too full for elementary use. 

Shuckburgh. History of the Greeks. Macmillan Co. Conventional 
in arrangement but clearly and concisely written. 

MoREY. Outlines of Greek History. American Book Co. A little 
fragmentary, dealing in detail with the growth of civilization, rather 
than with outward history. 

* For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10. For bibliography for 
advanced students and teachers, see Appendix 1. 



76 



The Beginnings of Greece 



BoTSFORD. A History of Greece. Macmillan Co. A well-proportioned 
narrative in moderate compass. Rather radical at times. 

ZiMMERN. Greek History. Longmans. Emphasizes the picturesque 
sides of Greek History; written in a simple style for elementary 
students. 

Abbott, A Skeleton Outline of Greek History. Macmillan Co. Useful 
primarily for chronology. 

Mahaffy. The Story of Alexander's Empire. Putnams. The one book 
on this particular field. 

Jebb. Greek Literature (History Primer Series). American Book Co. 
Brief, but judicious, compact and illuminating. 

Capps. From Homer to Theocritus. Scribners. The most useful single 
book; contains abundant extracts. 

Murray. Ancient Greek Literature. Appleton. Keen, brilliant, fasci- 
nating, but takes for granted a general knowledge of Greek life and 
history. 

Mahaffy. Old Greek Life. American Book Co. A convenient primer 
of antiquities. 

Fowler. The City-State of the Greeks and Romans. Macmillan Co. 
Belongs to the field of political science rather than of histor)'. In- 
terprets as no other book of its size the meaning of ancient political 
institutions. 

Greenidge. A Handbook of Greek Constitutional History. Macmillan 
Co. The only book of moderate size covering the whole field. 

Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. The best 
single book on the subject. 



1 THE BEGINNINGS OF GREECE AND ITS 

EXPANSION IN EAST AND WEST 



TO 500 B.C. 



General 
Character 
of the 
Period. 



99. The part taken by Greece in the history of the 
Ancient World does not become important until some- 
thing like two thousand years of its life have passed away. 
Of this long stretch of time we have comparatively little 
knowledge. In the early part of it only a gleam of light 



The Earliest Age 77 

here and there appears; even the last two centuries of it 
(700-500 B.C.) are quite imperfectly known. It was a time 
of beginnings, of formation, during which the Greek peo- 
ple were working out those ideals of social and political 
life which make their history so unique and instructive, 
and by which they were prepared to enter into the larger 
world and do their work in the upbuilding of mankind. 

100. One of the turning-points in this period of begin- (i) The 
nings comes about the year 1000 B.C. Before that time aJc.^"*^" 
Greece must have had a wonderful history, but we can 
understand only a little of it, since no written records of it 
have been preserved. In this far-off time the later Greeks 
laid the scenes of many of their beautiful poems and tales 
of gods and heroes, but they themselves had no certain 
knowledge of what really occurred there. So long as we 
had only these wonderful stories to depend on, we called 
these ages the "Heroic Period" or the "Age of Fable" or 
of "Myth" — which was as much as to say that nothing 
really historical could be found out about them. But, 
recently, some extraordinary remains of the civilization of 
these times have been discovered by diggings in various 
localities of the Greek world. From these remains some- 
thing certain about that ancient life can be known. The 
most important of these discoveries were made at Mycenae, 
at Troy and in Crete. Other similar "finds" were un- 
earthed at the heads of the bays along the eastern shore 
of Greece and upon islands of the ^Egean. The promi- 
nence and significance of the discoveries at Mycenae led 
scholars to call the age in which this civilization flour- 
ished the Mycenaean Age. The date of its highest bloom 
was about 1500 B.C. We shall describe briefly some of its 
characteristics. 



78 



The Beginnings of Greece 



The My- 
cenaean 
Remains 
and Their 
Story. 



The Com- 
mercial 
Life of the 
Age. 



lOi. Political life was already well advanced. People 
lived in cities. In the centre of the city was a castle, built 
high with strong defences; within it a palace, large and 
beautiful, with many courts and chambers. Near the cas- 
tle was the lofty royal tomb in the shape of a beehive, sunk 
into a side hill and richly adorned. The graves of the kings 
contained a profusion of treasure in gold and silver finely 
wrought into useful and ornamental objects. Such kings 
must have been powerful and rich; they ruled over wide 
territories and entered into relations with peoples round 
about. The objects found in the diggings illustrate the 
art of the time. There were masks of gold, cups of gold 
and silver, armlets, bracelets, beads, chains, diadems, 
earrings, necklaces, rings and vases — all of gold. There 
were bronze swords with inlaid work. There was glazed 
and painted pottery of various and striking patterns, deco- 
rated with scenes from land and sea. There were vases 
of alabaster, of marble and of terra-cotta. The working 
of scenes in low relief upon the gold cups,* the artistic 
coloring and designs upon the jars and vases, the mosaic 
patterns upon the walls, and the engraving upon the gems 
are proofs of a remarkable skill on the part of the work- 
men. The Mycenaean artist employed nearly every 
process known to modern art. One art, it seems, was 
not advanced, that of the sculptor. Only one work in 
stone deserves mention — the lions above the entrance 
to the palace of Mycenae. 

102. Everything points to a widely extended commercial 
activity in the Mycenaean Age. The fact that the objects 
just described are found on both sides of the ^gean sea and 
on the islands indicates that intercourse by sea had brought 

* See Plate VI. 



The Mycencean World 79 

these peoples together. So wide was this intercourse that 
we might almost speak of a Mycenaean World. On the 
one side as far as Cyprus, on the other side in west Greece 
and even in Italy, are the products of this Mycenaean 
civihzation found. The heart of it all seems to have been 
in the island of Crete at the city of Cnossos, whose fleets 
may be said to have controlled the trade of the ^Egean 
and the eastern Mediterranean seas, before the Phoeni- 
cians had begun their saiHng expeditions (§ 56). Com- 
mercial relations were also enjoyed with lands outside of 
the Mycenaean world. The amber beads found at My- 
cenae may have come from the Baltic sea; the jade axes 
from China. The patterns and decorations upon pottery 
and palaces, upon swords and images, show the influence 
of the art of the Hittites (§9) and of the Egyptians; they 
testify to intercourse with these peoples. In Egypt itself 
Mycenaean pottery has been found ; soldiers in Mycenaean 
armor are pictured on the walls of Egyptian temples of 
the time of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties (§ 44). 
Evidently Cretan ships sailed to Egypt with their wares, Mycenaean 
and their men served in Egyptian armies. We have ^*"' 
already seen that, in this very age, a great migration of 
peoples from the borders of the Mycenaean world wrought 
havoc in the political world of western Asia (§§44, 51). 
How natural that these Mycenaean kings should fight 
with one another for wider empire! One of these wars, 
that of Mycenae against Troy, was in the following period 
made the subject of many a heroic lay and forms the 
theme of the "Iliad" of Homer. Likewise, a picture of 
the wide Mycenaean sea-world, its interests, its perils and 
its powers, lies before us in Homer's "Odyssey." These 
poems, as we shall see, belong to the age that follows, but 



80 



The Beginnings of Greece 



The Dorian 
Migration. 



End of the 
Mycenaean 
Age. 



they gather up the recollections and traditions of these 
splendid centuries. The Mycenaean age itself has left 
no literature. Its thoughts, so far as they are known, 
speak to us in the material objects dug up from its palaces 
and tombs. 

103. To what splendid heights the Mycenaean world 
might have reached no one can tell; upon the heart of it 
about 1000 B.C. fell a deadly blow. Up in the northwest 
corner of Greece some sort of a commotion took place 
among the rude peoples there, which set them moving 
toward the east and south. Their advance was irresistible. 
It resulted in the complete overthrow of the ruling powers 
in the Mycenaean strongholds and a transformation in all 
spheres of Greek life. Chief among these invading tribes 
were the Dorians, and their leaders were at the head of 
affairs in the centuries that followed. The seat of their 
power was the Peloponnesus, which henceforth became 
for a long time the centre of Greece. Similar migrations 
and shiftings of population in the following centuries 
threw the rest of the eastern communities of Greece into 
confusion. The Mycenaean world of Asia Minor and the 
islands was also disturbed, though, of course, not in a like 
degree. Many fled thither from before the intruders. 
In course of time the Dorians themselves settled upon the 
southern islands and the lower coasts of Asia Minor. 
The unity of the Mycenaean world was destroyed. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 



Preliminary Survey: Physical Geography of Greece — its influence (i) on 
the history both external and internal, (2) on Greek character — the 
Greek people — course of their history — its grand divisions. 



The Greek Middle Age 81 

I. The Beginnings of Greece and Its Expansion. Our knowledge 
of the earliest period and its sources — the Mycenaean Age — the 
remains and their story — Mycenaean commerce, its extent and 
character — wars and their memorials — how the age came to an 
end and when. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What part do the following play in 
the physical geography of Greece: the i^gean, the Pindus. the 
gulf of Corinth ? 2. For what are the following places noted: 
Mycenae, Troy, Cnossos? 3. Locate from memory on an out- 
line map the chief points at which remains of Mycenaean 
civilization have been found. 4. At about what time was the 
Mycenaean civilization at its height? 5. At about what time 
did the Dorian invasions occur? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What was going on in the Ori- 
ental world between the above dates? 2. Compare the arti- 
cles of commerce of the Mycenaean Greeks with those of the 
Phcenicians (§ 56). 3. Compare the effect of the Dorian inva- 
sion of Greece with that of the Hyksos invasion of Egypt 
(§§40-41). 4. What great difference do you notice between 
the principles of government of the early Greeks and those of 
the Semitic countries (§91)? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Story of Theseus. Plutarch, Life of Theseus. 2. Phoenician 
Influence on Greece. Bury, pp. 76-77. 3. The Geography 
of Greece. Bury, pp. 1-5; Morey, pp. 72-77. 4. The Myce- 
naean Age: (a) Its Remains, Bury, pp. 11-30; Morey, pp. 
86-91. (b) Its History in Greece, Bury, pp. 31-43; Morey, 
pp. 91-94. (c) Its Expansion, Bury, pp. 43-53; Botsford, 
pp. 8-10. 5. The Earliest History of Greece. Bury, pp. 6-1 1. 
6. Myths and Legends of the Heroic Age. Morey, pp. 83-86; 
Botsford, Ancient History, pp. 49-61. 7. The Epic Poets. Bots- 
ford, Greece, pp. lo-ii; Morey, pp. 94-96; Capps, pp. 14-20. 

104. In the nev;^ Greece that now came into being, civih- (2) The 
zation must in a sense begin all over again. The incomers ^ge*^^^ 
were numerous ; the old civilization was too weak to absorb 
and win its peaceful victory over them, as was the case in its New 
so many similar situations in the ancient East (§§ 38, 41). 



Beginning. 



82 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Occupa- 
tions. 



Social and 

Political 

Elements. 



They came with their flocks and herds and for a time con- 
tinued the old pastoral life. Apart from the raising and 
pasturing of their cattle, hunting and fighting were their 
favorite activities. But as they settled down, agriculture 
was taken up; fields were sown; vineyards planted; the 
fig and the olive cultivated. In time industries came in. 
At first, everything needed was made at home, but gradu- 
ally the various trades appeared, the blacksmith, the potter, 
the carpenter, the leatherworker, the bowmaker and the 
spinner. For a long time any kind of industry was looked 
upon as unworthy of freemen. Even heralds, physicians, 
seers, singers, poets and jugglers were together counted as 
workmen and, though respected, had no social standing. 
First the warrior, and then the farmer, were the gentlemen 
of Greece. 

105. The new-comers brought the tribal system with 
them into the Peloponnesus. In the tribe the members 
are bound together by a tie of blood-relationship. Each 
is the equal of his brother. The duties and privileges of 
each begin and end with his life in the tribe. He eats at 
the common table. He must be ever ready in arms at the 
call of the tribe to battle. If slain by an enemy, it rests 
upon his fellow-tribesmen to avenge him by kilHng any 
and all of the hostile tribe whose member took his life.* 
All property is held in common and is from time to time 
assigned by lot to the various families of the tribe. All 
religion is summed up in the worship of the tribal god, 
who leads, protects, prospers and aids the tribe in all its 
ways. At the head of the tribe is the King, the chief 
among equals, surrounded by his council, the Elders, men 
of valor over bixty years old. He leads the tribe in war; 

* This is called the law of blood -revenge. 



The Aristocratic State 83 

he is the Judge and the Priest in peace. The tribesmen, 
gathered in close array, armed for war, constitute the 
PubHc Assembly for the settlement of tribal affairs. 

io6. When these wandering tribes settled down in the Rise of 
narrow valleys of Greece, tribal unity was broken up. '^"^*°'^' 
Each petty community began to live for itself. The land 
ceased to be held in common and each family to which a 
*'lot" was assigned came to own it and, where possible, 
added more. Some families grew great and strong and 
began to claim superiority thereby. Other families grew 
poor and became dependent upon their richer neighbor-s. 
The strong became proud and called themselves Aristoi, 
*'the best" people. Thus an "Aristocracy" grew up with 
its dependents. The noble head of an aristocratic family 
led his people in war and protected them in peace. He 
lived on his estates in rude luxury, surrounded by his family 
and dependents. The king soon began to find that this 
aristocracy was too strong for him; in time he lost his 
powers, one after the other, keeping at last only his relig- 
ious functions. The aristocracy stepped into his place 
and ruled the state by a Council of chiefs, administering 
justice and making war. In this new situation the old 
tribal equality faded away. The Public Assembly, though 
still existent, had no power in the new Aristocratic State. 
The nobles were the state. 

107. In one district of the Peloponnesus the aristocracy sparta the 
did not get the upper hand. In the valley of the Euro- ^^^^ °^ 
tas a tribe settled which preserved the old system. The 
tribesmen all dwelt together in the city which we know as 
Sparta. There they were ruled over by two kings; there 
they preserved their Assembly; there they ate their meals 
in common and held their land as the property of the state. 



84 



The Beginnings of Greece 



The City- 
state. 



Its Unique- 
ness. 



to be allotted to the tribesmen at regular intervals. Rude 
and sturdy men, they kept their arms in their hands and 
were ever ready to use them for defence and conquest. 
The same tribal system was also maintained in Crete. 

io8. The usual and characteristic form taken by these 
states was the City, just as in the primitive East (§ 13). 
The Greek city came into existence by a union of the petty 
villages of a district. The inhabitants merged their local 
rights into one common body at a convenient spot. The 
political powers of the several communities were given to 
the new state. There the officials lived and administered 
justice; there the public assembly met; there the citizen 
exercised his rights. There was the centre of political 
life. There was set up the worship of the common god. 
Thus a fundamental difference appears between the East- 
ern and the Greek city-state. In the former all power 
was lodged in a king, and his people were subject to him 
and dependent upon him for all things (§21). But in the 
Greek city-state there was always a measure of popular 
freedom; to be a citizen was to have some political rights 
and duties. The king was never a despot, nor did the 
rule of the aristocracy destroy the old rights of the freeman, 
although it often limited his exercise of them. But they 
were always capable of being revived and enlarged should 
the proper occasion offer itself. The Greek city was also 
economically independent. The citizens produced their 
own wealth and employed it for the city's interest, not for 
those of a king and his court. 

Thuqrdides, the Athenian historian, gives the following ac- 
count of the origin of the city-state of Athens: 

"In the days of Cecrops and the first kings, down to the reign of 
Theseus, Athens was divided into communes, having their own 



The Greek City-State 85 

town-halls and magistrates. Except in case of alarm the whole peo- 
ple did not assemble in council under the king, but administered 
their own affairs, and advised together in their several townships. 
Some of them at times even went to war with him, as the Eleusini- 
ans under Eumolpus with Erechtheus. But when Theseus came 
to the throne, he, being a powerful as well as a wise ruler, 
among other improvements in the administration of the country, 
dissolved the councils and separate governments, and united all the 
inhabitants of Attica in the present city, establishing one council and 
town-hall. They continued to live on their own lands, but he com- 
pelled them to resort to Athens as their metropolis, and henceforward 
they were all inscribed on the roll of her citizens. A great city thus 
arose which was handed down by Theseus to his descendants, and 
from his day to this the Athenians have regularly celebrated the 
national festival of the Synoikia, or union of the communes, in 
honor of the goddess Athene." 



109. The history of the Greek world is henceforth and a New 

Impuls( 
Commerce. 



chiefly the history of these city-states in their growth and ^^^^^^^ 



relations to one another. The first to become prominent 
were those on the other side of the iEgean sea. They had 
been the least disturbed by the migrations ; indeed, by the 
advent of those who fled out of Greece from before the new- 
comers they had been distinctly benefited. An activity, 
new for this age, began to be cultivated among them — 
commerce. It made them vigorous, enterprising and The East- 
wealthy. Miletus was the leader, followed by its rivals, 
Ephesus, Colophon, Magnesia, Samos, Chios and Mytilene. 
Soon the impulse spread to the western side of the sea 
and commercial cities appeared there — Chalcis and Eretria 
upon the island of Eubcea, as well as Megara, Corinth 
and ^gina. A lively trade sprang up between these 
cities and gave a great stimulus to manufacturing. Some 
cities had natural products to exchange, as Corinth its 
special variety of grapes, by which the name of the city 



of Litera- 



86 The Beginnings of Greece 

has been preserved to this day in the word currants, oi 
Cyprus, its copper (Greek kupros), so called for its abun- 
dance in that island. But usually some manufactured 
article was exported. Thus Miletus was famous for its 
woollen garments, Euboea for its purple cloths, Chalcis 
and Corinth for pottery, other cities for metal- work and 
chariots. 
Beginnings HO. But hcrc as clscwhere (§ 59) commerce was help- 
ful for higher things than material progress. The nobles 
and the wealthy sought entertainment for their leisure and 
found it in music and song. In these cities appeared a 
class of singers who, accompanying their song with the 
lyre, produced the first literature of Greece. They sang 
of gods and heroes, of battles, sieges, and adventures by 
land and sea, of the loves and hates, the sins and virtues 
of men and gods, of the worlds above and below this earth 
and of all the splendid life of the mighty of old. They 
laid under contribution all of religion and history that had 
come down to them from the dim past. 

Such was the singer described in the "Odyssey": "Then the 
henchman drew near, leading with him the beloved minstrel, whom 
the Muse loved dearly, and she gave him both good and evil; of his 
sight she reft him, bu granted him sweet song. Then Pontonous, the. 
henchman, set for him a high chair inlaid with silver, in the midst of 
the guests, leaning it against the tall pillar, and he hung the loud lyre 
on a pin, close above his head, and showed him how to lay his hands 
on it. The Muse stirred the minstrel to sing the songs of famous 
men, even that lay whereof the fame had then reached the wide 
heaven, namely, the quarrel between Odysseus and Achilles, son of 
Peleus; how once on a time they contended in fierce words at a rich 
festival of the gods, but Agamemnon, king of men, was inly glad 
when the noblest of the Achaeans fell at variance. This song it was 
that the famous minstrel sang." 



The Epic Poetry 87 

111. In time these songs came to be woven together The Epics. 
into a series of greater poems, in hexameter verse, dealing 

with particular events, like the story of the ship "Argo" 
and its crew of bold heroes led by Jason, or that of the 
''Seven against Thebes," or that of the "Siege of Troy" 
and the "Wanderings of Odysseus." These are called 
Epics, and the most famous of them are said to have been 
the work of Homer and are known to us as the "IHad" and 
the "Odyssey." For centuries these cycles of song passed 
down from singer to singer unwritten, until finally, when 
the age of the singers was passing, they were written down. 

112. From these Epics comes a vivid picture of the life lUustrate 
of the times, nowhere more strikingly exhibited than in ^^^ j\^^^ 
the description of the scenes on the shield of Achilles in 

the eighteenth book of the "Iliad" (lines 483-606). There 
appears city-life, the marriages and the leading of the 
brides through the city with songs, the public assembly 
where the judges give justice between the slayer and the 
slain, the siege and battle, fell Death in the midst, her 
raiment red with the blood of men, the field ploughed with 
oxen, the sweet wine given to the laborer, the binding of 
the sheaves at harvest, the vineyard with its black and 
luscious grapes and the gatherers listening to the "Linos" 
song, the cattle in the pasture attacked by lions, the sheep 
and the sheepfolds, the dance, the maidens clad in fine 
linen with wreaths on their heads, and the youth in well- 
woyen doublets with golden daggers in silver sheaths, the 
great company standing round the lovely dance in joy. 

113. ReHgion, too, finds its first expression in these and the 
poems. The Greek, Hke the Oriental (§ 34), thought of ^^^^'°°- 
the world as peopled by divine powers that influenced 
human life. Every spring, every forest, every height, the 



88 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Its Human 
Element. 



The 

Olympian 

Gods. 



wind and the storm, the Hghts flaming in the sky, the deep 
and roUing sea and the bright heaven revealed the presence 
and activity of the gods. With his Hvely imagination the 
Greek v^as not satisfied until he had formed clear-cut and 
vivid ideas of these powers. Above all, he thought of them 
as looking and acting Uke himself, only on a grander scale. 
The best that he could desire himself to be, that he imag- 
ined the gods were. When the singers sang of the gods, 
they pictured them as glorified and beautiful human beings. 
Thereby they gave to Greek religion its most characteristic 
stamp; they made it a religion of heavenly harmony and 
supreme human beauty. Another thing they did. They 
organized this vast and confused variety of gods. They 
sang of the family of the great gods, twelve or more in 
number, dwelling in the far north on Mt. Olympus, from 
whose snow- crowned summit they directed the universe. 
Zeus, the mighty father, was the ruler of gods and men. 
His wife was Hera; his brothers, Poseidon, whose do- 
main was the sea, and Pluto, lord of the underworld and 
the dead; his children, Apollo, god of light, Athene, 
goddess of wisdom, Aphrodite, goddess of love, Ares, 
god of war, Artemis, goddess of the forest and the hunt, 
Hermes, the divine messenger, and Hephaestus, the lame, 
god of fire and the forge ; and other notable figures, Hera- 
cles, the hero of many labors, Eros, god of desire, Deme- 
ter, goddess of the earth and its fruits, her daughter Cora 
(or Persephone), wife of Pluto, and Dionysus, god of 
the vine. The singers did not much care about the moral 
character of these divine beings. They are sometimes 
represented as quarrelling, lying or deceiving; even worse 
actions are told of some of them. What the poets saw in 
them was their human interest; with artistic sense they 



Greek Colonization 89 

made them always beautiful and only sometimes good. Yet 
Zeus was the judge of human and divine deeds; Apollo 
punished wrongdoing and was the type of moral beauty. 
And in those days it was no small boon to turn men's minds 
away from stocks and stones, and present for their wor- 
ship, instead of objects of nature, humanlike forms, 
gloriously gracious. Thus one could approach and know 
them as those who, even if higher, were yet like himself, 
who enjoyed what he enjoyed at its best, and who bade him 
imitate them in measure and harmony of life. It is true 
that this religion was only for the present life. In the dim The other 
light of existence beyond the grave, in the place which ^*'** 
they called Hades, the Greeks saw little that was attrac- 
tive. The saying of Achilles long remained true of their 
feeling : ''Rather would I live upon the earth as the hireling 
of another, with a landless man who had no great liveli- 
hood, than bear sway among all the dead that be departed." 

114. Commerce, as we have seen, stirred the Greeks Beginnings 
to new life at home. But it also stirred them to step out- nl^aUon 
side their own territories. Men were not satisfied with 
home markets; they sought out foreign shores and un- 
visited peoples, to whom they brought their wares for sale 
or exchange. In this they were like the Phoenicians. 
But in one important respect they differed from that east- 
ern people. Wherever they went, they settled permanently. 
The population of Greece had been growing all these cen- 
turies and were too many for the home land. The newly 
opened regions offered to this surplus of people the oppor- 
tunity to find new homes. Thus, with the more extensive 
trading expeditions, went hand in hand the establishment 
of Greek colonies, city-states which reproduced the home 
life. All the commercial cities had a part in this coloniz- 



90 



The Beginnings of Greece 



The Fields, ing activity. Those of the eastern iEgean sailed up into 
the Hellespont and onward, and made the shores of the 
Black sea Greek territory. Miletus founded Cyzicus, 
Sinope, Trapezus, Olbia and a host of other colonies 
there. Byzantium, afterward so famous, was Megara's 
colony. The northern ^Egean was settled by the found- 
ing of cities in Thrace and Macedonia. In the east 
and south the Greeks pushed out into Cihcia and over 
to Gyrene. The Euboeans and Corinthians went west- 
ward; they founded cities in Sicily, the chief of which 
was Syracuse. They reached the lower coasts of eastern 
Italy, where they were followed by people from the 
Peloponnesus until so completely was the region occupied 
that it was called Magna Graecia, "Greater Greece." 
Its chief cities were Sybaris, Croton and Tarentum. 
Even on the western coast of Italy Greeks settled the city 
of Cyme, on the coast of Gaul the city of Massilia, and 
pressed still farther westward as far as Spain. 

115. In Sicily and Spain the Greeks came into sharp 
competition with the Phoenicians and Carthaginians 
(§ 58). Likewise in the eastern Mediterranean commerce 
and colonial expansion soon brought them into contact 
with the Oriental world. The former lively intercourse 
(§ 102), broken off by the Dorian invasion for some cen- 
turies, was now revived. Particularly the native king- 
doms of Asia Minor cultivated relations with the new 
Greek world. About 700 B.C. King Midas of Phrygia 
dedicated to Apollo of Delphi his golden throne and Gy- 

Lydia. ges of Lydia a number of costly gold and silver vessels. 
Under the successors of Gyges the Lydian kingdom may 
almost be said to have entered into the circle of Greek life. 
It began to seek control over the Greek coast-cities of 



Beginnings 
of New 
Relations 
to the 
Orient. 



Relations to the Orient 91 

Asia Minor; King Croesus was practically the lord of 
them all, and the closest commercial bonds united them. 
Soon Greek traders and travellers began to go to Egypt, Egypt 
where King Amasis received them most graciously and 
gave them the city of Naucratis as their trading-post. 
He himself also gave gifts to Apollo of Delphi. All these 
relations came to be of the greatest moment to the Greeks 
both in stimulating their own culture and in bringing them 
within the circle of world-politics. What this latter meant 
to them we shall see later. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion, (i) The Mycenaean 
Age. (2) The Middle Age: Effect of Dorian migration — growth 
of various occupations — tribal organization — rise of Aristocracy, 
except in Sparta — the city-state, its character — influence of com- 
merce on the age (i) at home (wealth and industry — literature, the 
singers and epics — characteristics of Greek religion, its gods, the 
future) — (2) foreign relations (colonization, its origin and extent — 
contact with the Orient — travel and intercourse). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following places 
noted: Miletus, Chalcis, Delphi? 2. Who were Amasis, 
Croesus, Gyges? 3. What is meant by hexameter, epic, 
Magna Graecia? 4. Locate from memory on an outline map 
the chief centres of Greek colonization. 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Egyptian idea of 
the divine world (§ 34) with that of the Greek. 2. In what 
respects does the religion of the Greeks differ from that of the 
Hebrews (§§ 61, 91)? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Story of the Argonauts. Bury, pp. 223-231. 2. The Migra- 
tions. Bury, pp. 53-64. 3. The Homeric Question. Morcy, 
pp. 94-97; Bury, pp. 65-69; Capps, pp. 20-22, 114-118. 
4. Origin and Early History of the City-State. Morey, pp. 



(3) The 
New Age of 
Political 
Adjustment 
and Expan- 
sion. 



(a) The 
Sense of 
Greek 
Unity. 



Seen in 
Literature. 



Hesiod. 



92 The Beginnings of Greece 

T08-109; Botsford, pp. 20-21; Fowler, pp. 5-64. 5, Greek 
Stories of Early Greek History. Bury, pp. 79-84. 6. The Life 
and Institutions of the Middle Age. Bury, pp. 69-75; Bots- 
ford, pp. 11-17; Morey, pp. 98-111; Fowler, pp. 64-112. 
7. Greek Colonization. Bury, pp. 86-106; Botsford, pp. 30- 
40. 8. The Greek Colony of Cyme. Bury, pp. 94-95- 

116. Thus through commerce, colonization and contact 
with the larger life of the old world the Greeks were on the 
threshold of a new and stirring activity. We have seen 
in part how these stimulating experiences were changing 
their Hfe at home. Now we turn to trace them more in 
detail. These changes are seen {a) in the new sense of 
the oneness of the Greek world, {h) in the growth of Greek 
civilization, (c) in the political upheaval that brought the 
common people to the front. 

117. The physical character of Greece made the union 
of its states into one pohtical body a difficult thing. But 
during these centuries of quiet organization there had 
been growing up a common type of life and a body of ideals 
and ways of looking at things which went far toward tak- 
ing the place of a pohtical unity. Now, when the Greek 
cities extended their horizon and came into contact with 
peoples outside, they woke up to realize their oneness, 
their difference in all these respects from the others. They 
began to feel the value of what they had gained and to de- 
velop and improve it. Thus, w^hat we may call their con- 
sciousness of themselves appeared. It comes out in vari- 
ous ways. A school of writers flourished, who set about 
organizing the stories of the past into definite and intelli- 
gible shape. The most remarkable man among them 
was Hesiod (about 700 B.C.). His two chief works are 
the Theogony, in which he traces the histor}' of Greek gods 
from the beginning, and the Works and Days, in which he 



Unity of the Greek World 93 

tells men how to get on in the world. These writers taught 
how the first Greek was named Hellen; that he had three a New 
sons, ^olus, Dorus and Ion; from these were de- HeUenes 
scended the three grand divisions of the Greek race, the 
iEolians, the Dorians and the lonians. The Cohans 
lived in the north; their native seat was Thessaly; from 
there many of them crossed the sea and colonized the 
upper third of Asia Minor. The lonians inhabited middle 
Greece, and from Attica they passed over and occupied 
the middle third of the eastern coast of the iEgean. The 
Dorians held the Peloponnesus, whence they went and 
took the rest of the Asia Minor border. Thus all were 
of one blood ; over against the rest of the world they knew 
themselves as Hellenes. As Hellenes they spoke one 
common language, divided into three dialects, correspond- 
ing to the three branches of the race, iEolic, Ionic, Doric. 

Ii8. The work of the Epic poets (§ no) had done much The Epics 
to cement Hellenic unity. The dialect in which they q^H^ J 
sang, the heroic figures and deeds they pictured and the Unity. 
gods they celebrated became the common property of the 
Greek world. Some of the splendid divine beings of the 
epics were honored everywhere. Zeus and Apollo became 
universal Hellenic gods. The shrine of Apollo at Delphi Delphi, 
was a kind of centre of religious life. The noblest relig- 
ious leadership of the time was given by his priests there ; 
it became the custom to obtain from him his sanction for 
all enterprises. At Delphi the god spoke through his 
priestess in utterances called Oracles. No colony could 
be sent out without Apollo's oracle ; kings from the world 
without sought his wisdom and sent him rich gifts (§ 115). 
What Apollo did for Greek unity at Delphi, Zeus in a dif- 
ferent way did at Olympia. There every four years a oiympia. 



94 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Atnphicty- 
onies. 



(b) Growth 
of Civiliza- 
tion. 



festival in honor of the god was celebrated from the earli- 
est times, in connection with which athletic contests were 
held. All the Greek cities sent contestants thither. The 
list of the victors was preserved. The tradition makes 
this list date from 776 B.C., which is the first year of the 
First Olympiad, or four years' period, on which Greek 
chronology is based. During the festival, literary works 
by poets and historians were read in public and works of 
art exhibited, for all of which prizes were offered. Any 
Greek was eligible to compete. Though the reward was 
only a crown of olive leaves, the glory of the victor was the 
applause of all Greece. Religion also encouraged the 
union of districts in what was called an Amphictyony. 
Usually a sanctuary was the meeting- point and the affairs 
of the god and his worshippers were the matters discussed. 
During its sessions peace ruled over the whole territory. 
In connection with these amphictyonies appear the names 
of many states afterward famous. In middle Greece the 
Boeotian amphictyony was formed; on the island of Delos 
that of the lonians; most famous of all was that which 
met at Delphi and in which the Thessalians were the lead- 
ing spirits. Of the influence of this union we learn from 
the two obligations resting on its members: no city be- 
longing to it was to be destroyed, nor, in case of siege, 
could running water be cut off from a city. Thus a kind 
of beginning of international law, applying in a limited 
circle, was made. 

119. The second way in which the new life appeared 
was in the progress of thought and manners — what we call 
Civilization. Two most important things came to Greece 
through commercial life — the use of money and the art of 
writing. The old form of exchange was by natural prod- 



Money and the Art of Writing 95 

ucts. Cattle were often the standard of value, as the Latin 
word for money indicates, pecunia (from pecus, ''cattle"), use of 
But such means will not do for commercial life. Metals '^°"^y- 
soon came in — at first bars of copper or iron. Later 
the precious metals were used, as in the East (§ 23), and 
soon they were coined into money. The Lydians are said 
to have first coined money, in the seventh century. The 
state guaranteed the weight and fineness according to a 
fixed scale and stamped the piece of gold or silver with a 
sign or mark of genuineness. From Lydia the custom 
crossed to Greece; in ^Egina, it is said, the first Greek 
coins were made. In the case of writing it seems that Art of 
the Greek merchants also introduced that art into Greece. ^"*^°^- 
They borrowed the alphabet from the Phoenicians (§ 59) 
and improved it. At first it assumed a variety of forms 
according to the commercial cities that adopted it. Finally 
the Ionic alphabet became the standard. In the eighth 
century men began to employ writing for public purposes — 
for the lists of officials and of the Olympian victors (§ 118). 
A century after it appears on gifts to the gods and on 
monuments. Finally, toward the close of the age comes 
its use in literature. 

120. Another mark of the higher life of the time is seen interest in 
in the greater interest felt in the present, and in the thoughts and'^xheir ° 
and feelings of living men. Homer sang of the deeds i>oings. 
of the heroes of old; he says not a word about his own 
time. But Hesiod, although he laments the misery of his 
day, calling the present the "iron age," still talks and re- 
flects upon it. And now appeared poets who, in verse 
called elegiac or iambic^ dwelt upon events of their own 
day, expressing in satire their disgust at their rulers, calling 
to a nobler life or urging some political reform. Such 



96 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Music. 



poets were Archilochus of Paros (670 B.C.), and The- 
ognis of Megara (540 B.C.). Others became famous by 
Lyric Poets, their poctic expression of feeHng, in lyrical songs of love 
and marriage, of feasting and social joys, of war and victory 
or of praise to the gods.* Accompanying this outburst of 
reflective and passionate poetry was a development of the 
art of music by the discovery of the octave and the lyre of 
seven strings which opened up a great variety of harmonies. 
All this means that knowledge was broadening, thought 
was awakened, pleasures were becoming finer and higher, 
life was growing fuller and man felt himself of more worth 
in the world. 

121. Men began also to think more about the world in 
which they lived — how it came to be and what kept it in 
being. Religion, naturally, was first called on for the an- 
swer to these questions, and told how the power and will 
of the gods made all things to be. To Hesiod all begin- 
nings were divine. First came Chaos and Earth and 
Heaven and Night and Day, and Sea, and Time and 
Love — all gods. Earth was peopled with mighty destruc- 
tive beings called Titans, against whom Zeus waged war 
and won the victory, thus bringing order and harmony into 
the world. Then the gods created Man and endowed 
him with power to rule all things on earth. The earth 
was thought of as a curved disk with Greece in the middle 
and Mt. Olympus, where the gods dwelt, in the exact cen- 
tre. It was divided into two parts by the Mediterranean 
and all round it flowed the Ocean stream. The earth 
was the centre of the Universe ; above it was the ethereal 



Interest 
in the 
Problem 
of Origins. 



Cosmog- 
ony. 



* The most celebrated were Alcaeus (600 B.C.) and Sappho the 
poetess (610 B.C.), both of Lesbos, Anacreon of Ionia (530 B.C.) and 
Alcman of Sparta (660 B.C.). 



Early Greek Thinkers 97 

region of Olympus; beneath it was Hades, the under- 
world; at a yet deeper depth was Tartarus, where were 
imprisoned the wicked immortals, chief among whom were 
the Titans. The resemblance of this scheme to that of 
the Eastern world is obvious (§ 33); it may have been in 
part derived from that source. 

122. But when Greeks began to travel, to come into Dawn of 
contact with strange countries and peoples outside of the phnosop*h"y. 
former horizon of Greek life, they were not satisfied with 

this purely religious explanation. They began to study 
nature itself and find the secrets of its origin and Hfe in 
material things. Thus, in the Greek world appeared philos- 
ophers and scientific men who drank in Eastern wisdom 
and exercised their own keen wits on the problems of nature. 
Thales of Miletus (600 B.C.) was a student of mathematics 
and physics ; he calculated an eclipse, measured the height 
of the Pyramids of Egypt by their shadow, and knew the 
lore of the heavens. He held that everything in the uni- 
verse came from Water. To Anaximenes (550 B.C.) this 
foundation principle was Air. To Heraclitus (500 B.C.) 
it was Fire. These Ionic thinkers found worthy com- 
panions in the philosophers of Greater Greece, where 
Pythagoras (540 B.C.) sought the source of all things in 
Number, and Xenophanes of Elea (575 B.C.) saw at 
the heart of the universe one God directing all things by 
the might of his reason. In all these, to us crude ways 
of thinking, we may see the working of the fine Greek 
intelligence. These thinkers were not satisfied with ideas 
that prevailed only because they were handed down from 
of old. They must find for themselves what was really 
and finally true. 

123. As these Greeks began to study nature, so they also 



98 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Interest in 

Practical 

Life. 



Changes in 
Religion 

Temples. 



The New 

Popular 

Faith. 



came to study man and his duties. Hesiod in his Works 
and Days wrote on how to be a successful farmer. Oth- 
ers followed him in this teaching of Wisdom, of practical 
life in state and society. About the year 600 B.C. in the 
Greek world the most distinguished of these teachers were 
known as the "Seven Wise Men."* Sometimes they ex- 
pressed their thought in proverbs like " Nothing too much," 
** Unlucky is he who cannot bear ill-luck," ''Wisdom is 
the finest possession," "Know thyself." 

124. We may be sure that religion also partook of the 
new spirit of the times. The Olympian gods became 
everywhere the guardians of state and society. Temples 
began to be built in their honor and richly decorated ; their 
praise in song and dance became more stately and splendid ; 
the sculptures in tomb and temple show increasing mas- 
tery of art in the service of this religion of divine life and 
beauty. But by the side of this public or official religion 
appears another which appealed to the individual and 
sought to meet his need of divine favor. This faith cen- 
tres about deities who have not been prominent in the 
Olympian circle — Dionysus and Demeter. To Dionysus, 
the god of the vine, giver of joy and ecstasy, and to De- 
meter, the nourishing mother-earth, bestower of life and 
food to all, an enthusiastic popular devotion was poured 
out. One great reason for their worship was its outlook into 
the life beyond the grave. The changes that were coming 
over the face of the times did not in all respects bring hap- 
piness and peace to men; they created problems the solu- 
tion of which was uncertain and unpromising. Naturally 



*They were Thales of Miletus, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of 
Priene, Solon of Athens, Cleobulus of Lindos, Cheilon of Sparta, and 
Periander of Corinth. 



The Religion of the Mysteries 99 

men sought consolation in the hope of the world beyond. 
Little there was of this in the old faith. But the new faith 
had a new message on this subject. To him who with a 
pure heart took part in the ceremonial of worship of these 
gods was promised a brighter world beyond, where there 
was freedom from care and sin. This ceremonial was 
called the Mysteries. What it consisted of we do not The 
know exactly, but we do know that those who took part in ^y^*®"®^- 
it were pledged to a life of purity and enjoyed the hope of 
an immortal life. It was an appeal to the heart, not to 
the head; it was a religion for the people; mystical and 
enthusiastic as it was, it became a power for good and a 
spring of some of the noblest forms of Greek life. 

125. We have kept the political changes of the time to (c) Political 
the last. They show most simply and clearly the influence ^^^"ses. 
of the new forces ; it was in them and through them that the 
other changes could come to the surface and work them- 
selves out. They form also the connecting link between 
this and the following periods. We have seen how every- 
where the aristocracy had gained possession of Greek 
politics (§106). In many states they not merely ruled 
the citizens; they were the citizens. But commerce had 
made many besides the aristocracy wealthy and influential. 
It had brought individuals everywhere, no matter what 
their station in life was, to a larger knowledge of the world 
and their own place in it (§ 120). While some had grown 
rich, others had become poor; the farmers especially 
suffered from the new markets opened by commerce and 
the new ways of doing business introduced thereby. Thus 
disturbances and difficulties appeared on every hand in 
Greek political life. The aristocracy, feeling its power 
threatened, did as those frequently do who feel that their 



I cf 



100 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Decline of 
Aristocratic 
Govern- 
ments. 



Rise of the 
Lawgivers. 



Appearance 
of the 
Tyrants. 



position is growing weaker — they used all means to keep 
it; they acted unjustly and despotically. This only made 
matters worse, and they were finally forced to yield to 
the storm. 

126. One chief cause of complaint was that they alone 
knew the Law and administered it according to their own 
will. Hence, the demand arose for the publication of the 
law. It was secured in a truly Greek fashion. One man 
was chosen, the best man in the state, to whom all power 
was given that he might prepare, publish and administer 
a code of law which should be binding upon the people. 
Thus, almost every Greek state of the time had its Law- 
giver, or in later days traced its constitution back to some 
great man who was thought to be its author. Such famous 
names were Charondas of Locri, Lycurgus of Sparta, 
Pittacus of Mytilene, Solon of Athens. As a result, peo- 
ple knew what the law was and could fix the responsibility 
for crime and injustice. The broad and deep meaning 
of such a measure should not be overlooked. That the 
state owed it to the citizens to do justice on the basis of a 
public code of laws, that the best man in the state should 
prepare these laws, and that, once put forth, it was the 
citizen's duty to obey them — these were principles which 
no ancient people had before so fully realized. 

127. The publication of the laws had saved the aristo- 
cratic rule for the time, but it had not been accompanied 
with any larger political rights to those outside the circle 
of the nobles. Hence arose a new struggle. All who 
were dissatisfied with aristocratic rule joined together in 
opposition to it; the whole body was called the Demos, 
the "people," and their aim was the overthrow of the rul- 
ing powers. They succeeded. Here and there men put 



Rule of the Tyrants 101 

themselves at the head of the revolutionary movement 
and by it gained the supreme power for themselves. These 
men were called Tyrants. They were theoretically kings, 
reviving the old monarchy, with larger powers. They Splendor of 
destroyed the rule of the aristocracy and governed their ^^^^'■^"^®- 
states with vigor and splendor. All over the Greek world 
in these days tyrants appeared and in some states con- 
tinued to rule down to the last Greek age. They favored 
commerce and trade, grew rich from their skilful manage- 
ment of afifairs, adorned their cities with magnificent 
buildings, encouraged art and literature, and with much 
poHtical wisdom guided their states in new paths of prog- 
ress. The people, by whose aid they had gained their 
place, were not, indeed, given any political rights, but the 
satisfaction of having rid themselves of aristocratic rule 
and the enlarged prosperity and comfort enjoyed were 
sufficient for the time to satisfy them. 

128. One of the first tyrants was Thrasybulus of some of 
Miletus, a shrewd and energetic ruler, who was able to j ^^ants 
keep his city independent of Lydia (§ 115). In Corinth 
the aristocracy was overthrown by Cypselus, whose father 
was a commoner, but his mother of a noble family. 
His son Periander followed him (625-585 B.C.) He was 
a friend and ally of Thrasybulus. 

Herodotus relates a characteristic story of their relations: "He sent 
a messenger to Thrasybulus and asked what settlement of affairs was 
the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his 
State: and Thrasybulus led forth the messenger who had come from 
Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; 
and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and ask- 
ing questions repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his 
coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of 
corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads 



102 The Beginnings of Greece 

he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest 
and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and 
having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. 
When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to 
hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulus 
had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed 
of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his 
senses and a waster of his own goods — relating at the same time that 
which he had seen Thrasybulus do. So Periander, understanding 
that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulus coun- 
selled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, 
began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of 
the State; for whatsoever Cypselus had left undone in killing and 
driving into exile, this Periander completed." 

Corinth 129. But Periander was more than a despot and a 

Periander butcher. He raised his city to the leading place among 
the Greek states of his day. Her power on the sea was 
mighty. The first war-ships with three banks of oars — 
called Triremes — were built at Corinth. With his fleet 
Periander subdued Corcyra in the first sea-fight of 
Greek history. He was a patron of letters. The poet 
Arion was said to have been an ornament of his court, 
and tradition has made the tyrant one of the "Seven 
Wise Men" of Greece (§ 122). 
Decline and 130. The ncw Spirit of Greece, which had raised the 
Tyrants. ^ tyrants to the throne, would not let them remain there 
long. The nobles were always hostile to them; the De- 
mos, still deprived of political rights, grew dissatisfied. 
Then the tyrants* in their turn grew more despotic, and 
ruled by force and fear, until all parties united to put them 
down. The tyranny usually lasted no longer than the 
second generation. It had accomplished one result — 

* Owing to this later form of the tyranny our word "tyrant" has a 
bad meaning. 



Democracy 



Fall of the Tyrant 103 

the universal rule of the aristocracy had perished and the 
way was opened for the advance of the people. When it 
fell, its place was taken usually by citizens prominent 
because of their property, and the change was accom- 
panied by making more of the people citizens. Such a 
government was called a Timocracy (from the Greek ti-mey 
"value") and was a step toward putting the control of 
affairs in the hands of the citizens — the form of govern- 
ment called Democracy (from the Greek demoSy '*peo- Rise of 
pie"). Democracy, the unique contribution of Greece 
to poHtical progress, was worked out in the next period. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion: (i) The Mycenaean 
Age. (2) The Middle Age. (3) The Age of Political Adjust- 
ment AND Expansion: Three lines of change arise: (i) Sense of 
Greek unity — appearing in literature, religion. (2) Growth of 
civilization — seen in use of money, writing, interest in present life 
(poetry, science, and philosophy) — in religion (the official and the 
popular faith, mysteries). (3) Political changes — fall of aris- 
tocracy. Law-givers, Tyrants, rise of democracy. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. \. For what are the following famous: 
Theognis, Thales, Hesiod, Pythagoras, Alcaeus, Amasis, Anac- 
reon? 2. What is meant by Amphictyony, Mysteries, Hel- 
lenes, Elegiac? 3. What is the date of the First Olympiad? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the early Greek idea 
of the form of the world with that of the Egyptians and 
Babylonians (§ 33). 2. Compare the political effects of 
commerce and trade upon the Greeks with their effect upon 
Oriental peoples (§§ 20, 23, 56-59, 69). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Greek 

Ships. Bury, pp. 109-110; Diets, of Antiquities, arts. "Ship" or 
"Navy." 2. The Games and the Oracles. Morey, pp. 150-153; 



104 



The Beginnings of Greece 



The Two 
Leading 
States of 
the Time. 



Sparta. 



Shuts Out 
the New 
Life. 



Botsford, pp. 98-103; Zimmern, ch. 2; Bury, pp. 139-144 
(Olympia), 157-161 (Delphi). 3. How Reduce Olympiads to 
Terms of Our Chronology? Abbott, Skeleton Outline, p. 18; 
West, p. Id. 4. The Ionic Philosophers. Moray, pp. 161-164; 
Botsford, pp. 92-96. 5. The Greek Temple. Morey, pp. 154-158; 
Bury, p. 152. 6. The Lyric Poets. Morey, pp. 159-161; Bury, 
pp. 118-119; Botsford, pp. 89-90; Capps, pp. 141-172; Shuck- 
burgh, pp. 27-29; Jebb, p. 491. 7. Hesiod and His School. 
Bury, pp. 107-108; Botsford, pp. 87-88; Murray, pp. 53-62; 
Capps, pp. 129-140; Jebb, pp. 40-46. 8. The Lawgivers. 
Bury, pp. 144-146. 9. The Tyrants. Bury, pp. 146-157; Bots- 
ford, pp. 64-70. 

131 . Among the city-states that from time to time have 
appeared in the history of these centuries, two come forward 
prominently as we draw near the close of this age — Sparta 
and Athens. They show the influence of the forces which 
have been described, and they became later the leading 
states of Greece. The story of their rise and early history, 
therefore, properly closes the Period of Beginnings. 

132. The foundation of the Spartan political system 
has already been described (§ 107). It was essentially 
military, as the tribal organization always is. Its mem- 
bers must ever be ready for war. The men must live 
together and be unhampered by family ties. Children 
must be brought up to be warriors. Everything in the 
way of art and science, all refinement of culture, was dis- 
couraged. When, all over the rest of Greece, the forces 
that followed in the train of commerce were breaking 
down the old way of living and thinking, Sparta sternly 
set her face against all changes. Strangers were rigorously 
banished. The only money there current was of iron 
and in coins of small denominations. The only music 
was the march, the only poetry the war-song. Their words 
were few; they preferred deeds. The one principle of 



Spartan Life and Institutions 105 

life was discipline. The virtues most highly prized and The 
most diligently encouraged were those of the warrior — |ptru^" 
strength, courage, endurance, skill in arms. The supreme 
sentiment for the people was obedience to the chosen 
leaders. One might have expected that these would be 
their two kings. But for some reason not exactly clear The 
they gave the chief authority to officials, elected from the orgl^" 



niza- 



people year by year, called Ephors. These officials *^°"- 
came to control all parts of the state ; even the kings were 
subject to them. The kings, indeed, led the army in war, 
but even then two ephors were always with them. The 
Council of elders, called Gerontes, continued to exist, 
as did also the Public Assembly, but the powers of both in 
reality were very limited.* Thus the Spartans were, by 
their organization and training, destined for war. One 
particular element of the system — that of living together 
in the city — especially forced them to it. There was not 
land enough at Sparta, nor could the Spartans leave the 
city to till fields at a distance, if they were to be in constant 
readiness for military activity at home. Hence, very TheExpan- 
early, they are found conquering the slopes of the moun- sp^rta. 
tains to the east and the sea-coast, reducing the inhabitants 
to state servitude and forcing them to till the soil for the 
benefit of the conquerors. These state serfs were called 
Helots. Their condition was not an enviable one. The 
inhabitants of other cities were allowed their freedom on 
condition of paying tribute; these were called Perioeci. 
Both classes served in the army under their Spartan mas- 

* In later times the Spartans ascribed this constitution of theirs to a 
lawgiver named Lycurgus and wove a story about him and his do- 
ings. In fact he was a god whom they had once worshipped and whom 
they turned into a man and made the founder of the system. It really 
sprang up in the natural way just described. 



Messenia. 



of Argos. 



106 The Beginnings of Greece 

ters. This conquering army soon directed its attention 
to the regions in the west. Here across the Taygetus 
mountains was a wide and fertile plain called Messenia. 

War with Its inhabitants made a desperate resistance in what is 
called the First Messenian War, but were reduced to sub- 
mission. Thus all the southern Peloponnesus was under 
Spartan rule, parceled out among Spartan citizens. 
When from Messenia the Spartans pushed northward into 
the district called Elis, they came into contact with more 
formidable foes. At the time of the Dorian migration the 
strongest of the invading bodies had settled down in the 
eastern Peloponnesus in the district of Argos. At the 
time of the Spartan advance into Elis a vigorous king 

pheidon called Pheidon was on the Argive throne (about 660 B.C.). 
He was in hearty sympathy with the new life of the day, 
as is shown by a system of weights and measures intro- 
duced by him, which spread all over Greece; it was called 
the iEginetan system. To check Sparta's victorious prog- 
ress, he joined with two other Peloponnesian states, Ar- 
cadia and Pisatis, and, in connection with a rebellion 
of the Messenians, entered on a conflict with Sparta, which 
is called the Second Messenian War (about 650 B.C.). 
Yet, though the struggle was long and fierce, Sparta was 
finally victorious here also. Next we find her pushing 
northward up the Eurotas valley against the Arcadian 
city of Tegea. Against these Arcadian mountaineers 
not so much headway was made; whereupon Sparta 
adopted a new political policy. A treaty was made, 
whereby Tegea, in return for being left in peace, agreed 
to contribute a force to the Spartan army and to make 
Sparta's friends her friends. This plan worked so well 
that Sparta proceeded to extend it to other cities, until 



Athens J its Beginnings 107 

finally, on these conditions, a League of all the Peloponne- The Peiop- 
sian states except Argos was formed under Spartan leader- League*" 
ship. By 525 B.C. Sparta was the greatest Greek state; 
besides her own territories, Elis, Corinth, ^gina, Megara 
and Sicyon were members of the League. Foreign powers 
coming into contact with Greece sought her alliance. 
Thus she joined with Lydia and the other eastern states 
against Cyrus (§ 82). Outside the Peloponnesus she was 
involved in relations with other Greek communities, par- 
ticularly with the growing state of Athens. To understand 
these larger complications we must turn aside to follow 
the rise and early history of Athens. 

133. Attica, of which Athens was the chief city, was Athens 
a rough, poorly watered and unproductive peninsula, jut- 
ting out into the ^Egean and cut off from the rest of Greece 

by Mount Parnes, an offshoot of the Cithaeron range. 
The city lay in a little valley through which the Cephis- Position 
BUS flowed to the southwest into the Saronic gulf. Dwell- 
ers in the plain had early gathered about a lofty isolated 
mass of rock, the Acropolis, so easy of defence as to be 
marked out for the centre of a city. The plain sloped 
gently to the sea and was itself protected by mountains 
on either side. The community worshipped the goddess 
Athene, its patron and defender, who gave the name to 
the city. The prevailing race-type was Ionian. Already People 
Athens had united all the inhabitants of the peninsula in 
one city-state (§ 108). 

134. Moreover, when we come to know Athens, the Early 
aristocracy was already in control. Traditions told how ^j^^^ 
kings had once ruled, but these had gradually been re- 
stricted in powers and in dignities, until hardly more re- 
mained to remind one of them than the name "king" ap- 



lOB 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Aristocrats 
in Control. 



Tyrants. 



Lawgivers. 



plied to the chief minister of rehgion. In their place came 
yearly officials called Archons, nine in number, for the 
conduct of civil, military, religious and financial adminis- 
tration. The Tribal Council took two forms : (i) a body of 
forty-eight heads of local districts, each of which supplied 
a war-ship (naus), hence called the Council of the Nau- 
craries, and (2) a body made up of ex-officials, it seems, 
charged chiefly with judicial powers, called the Council 
of the Areopagus (the "Hill of Curses"). Of course, 
both officials and councils were limited to aristocrats, who 
also controlled, if they did not make up, the Public As- 
sembly. As elsewhere, so especially in Athens, there was 
a large number of freemen who, under aristocratic ad- 
ministration, were entirely outside of public activities. 
The members of noble houses, hke the Medontidae 
and the Alcma3onidae, were all-powerful; none could 
break into their close circle. Their heads were leaders 
and their members were citizens of the state. The army 
was organized in three divisions: first, the knights (hip- 
peis), the aristocrats who could afford to have war-horses 
and fine weapons; second, the heavy-armed footmen 
(zeugitae, i.e., who had farms big enough to employ a 
yoke of oxen); third, the light-armed troops (thetes, i.e., 
petty land-owners and farm laborers). All the people of 
Attica were divided into four tribes, each with its chief 
and its god. 

135. But, in time, the aristocratic state was affected 
by the new Hfe. A certain noble, Cylon by name, at- 
tempted to make himself tyrant (about 635 B.C.), but 
without success. Commerce was making some men rich 
and others poor; farmers were in debt and many were 
being sold into slavery. The Demos was rising. A Law- 



Draco and Solon 109 

giver (§ 126), Draco, was appointed (about 624 B.C.). Draco. 
His legislation availed but little, the only important 
thing in it being the distinction between the penalty for 
different sorts of murder. Heretofore, all killing had 
been murder and its penalty death at the hands of the 
relatives of the dead man (§ 105). Now, accidental or 
justifiable homicide was distinguished in its punishment 
from wilful murder. As Draco's laws were chiefly a col- 
lection of the old customs of the land, they seemed to the 
later Athenians exceedingly severe and were said to have 
been " written in blood." Another trial of a lawgiver was 
made in 594 B.C., by the choice of Solon as sole archon soion. 
of the state with unHmited authority in the settlement 
of affairs. 

136. Athens had already begun to enter heartily into Early 
the commercial activity of the time. Pottery was manu- Expan'slon^ 
factured; olive oil — the chief natural product of Attica — 
exported and grain imported; colonizing entered upon. 

An important station on the trade route to the Black 
sea was secured — Sigeum on the northwestern coast of 
Asia Minor. A great hindrance was Megara's possession 
of Salamis, the island at the very gates of Athens. A 
struggle to secure it for Athens had been crowned with 
victory through the inspiring war-poetry of Solon. He 
was, therefore, a prominent man; an aristocrat, but a 
friend of the people, eager to deliver them from their dis- 
tresses and to give them a place and a part in the state. 

137. The measures of Solon were vital and thorough- constitu- 
going. The fundamental thing he did was to make all g^i^^ 
free native-born people citizens. Second, he relieved 

them from their chief burdens by remitting all debts con- ■ \ 

tracted on thdr lands or secured on the person or family 



no 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Its spirit. 



Renewal of 
Conflict. 



Pisistratus, 
Tyrant. 



of the debtor. Third, he gave all some part in the conduct 
of the state. All the citizens, rich and poor alike, were 
made members of the Public Assembly. All over thirty 
years old and of good moral character were eligible to 
membership in a new Court of justice called the Heli- 
aea, which was the final court of appeal. The council of 
the Areopagus was constituted as a special court of jus- 
tice and given supervision of the laws. The other council 
was transformed by being increased to 400 members and 
called the Boule or Senate. Its chief function was to 
prepare business for the PubUc Assembly. The higher 
magistracies, those of archon, treasurer, etc., were open 
only to men of the largest wealth; the lesser offices 
could be occupied by the less wealthy citizens. A new 
arrangement was made for choosing the archons. Forty 
were nominated, ten by each tribe, and from these the nine 
were chosen. The distribution of administrative positions, 
while in principle based on wealth, resulted in actual 
practice in giving the highest offices to the most influential 
hippeis, and in dividing the rest of the places between 
the other hippeis and the zeugitae. No thetes were 
eligible for the magistracy. The state, therefore, remained 
aristocratic in administration, although the people at large 
were given political rights never before possessed; these 
in time were certain to be emphasized and enlarged. It 
may be truly said that Solon was the founder of the 
Athenian Democracy. 

138. The constitution made by Solon prepared the way 
for progress, but it did not actually bring relief to the state. 
Conflict and distress continued. Finally, by the aid of the 
peasants (chiefly thetes), a nobleman called Pisistratus 
was able to usurp the government in 561 B.C., and though 



Pisistratus 111 

driven from power, regained it about 545 B.C., and was 
tyrant until his death in 528 B.C. By him, the poor peas- His Admin- 
ants, who had been reUeved of their debts and given citi- 
zenship by Solon, were granted land and money to set up 
farming and to become self-supporting and useful citizens. 
They could not exercise political rights, but became eco- 
nomically comfortable. Pisistratus favored commerce, 
which brought increasing wealth to the state. His court, like His court, 
those of the other tyrants (§127), was briUiant; Hterature 
and art were encouraged. It is said that Homer's poems 
were first written down under his patronage and that he 
established a Hbrary at Athens. A temple to Athene, the 
patron goddess of the city, was built. The gods Zeus and 
Apollo were enrolled among the deities to be publicly wor- 
shipped. An important part of the state-religion dates Religious 
from his establishment of the festivals of the god Dionysus 
(§ 124), the Flower Festival of the early spring (in Feb- 
ruary) and the Vintage Festival of the winter (in Decem- 
ber). At the latter he introduced the sacred Play in which 
scenes in the life of the god were exhibited — the Tragedy 
or Goat-song and the Comedy or Village-song. It is 
worth remembering that in 535 B.C. Thespis produced the 
first tragedy at Athens in connection with these festivals. 
The theatre there was a part of religious worship. The His 
foreign poHtics of Pisistratus were successful in making poJ^f/ic" 
Athens a power in the Greek world. He controlled the 
approaches to the Hellespont and was in alliance with the 
Thessalians and with Argos. By his services to the sanct- 
uary of Apollo on the island of Delos, a favorite Ionian 
centre, he became a leader among the lonians of the 
JEgesLU. On his death (528 B.C.) he was succeeded with- 
out opposition by his two sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. 



112 



The Beginnings of Greece 



Tyranny 
Over- 
thrown. 



Legislation 
of Cleis- 
thenes. 



139. But the tyranny was to have as short a hfe at 
Athens as it had enjoyed elsewhere (§ 130). The same 
reasons for its overthrow existed there. In addition, the 
advance of the Persians to the iEgean (§ 90) had cut off 
the commercial and pohtical influence of Athens in the 
east and northeast so skilfully built up by Pisistratus. 
Thus business distress followed. The growing discontent 
was manifested in the murder of Hipparchus. Finally, 
by the influence of the oracle at Delphi, Sparta was in- 
duced to send an army under king Cleomenes to drive 
Hippias out (510 B.C.). After he was gone, the Spartans 
attempted to set up an aristocratic government, but after 
a struggle the Athenian people under the leadership of 
Cleisthenes, the head of the family of the Alcmaeonidae, 
a friend of the Demos, was able to gain control of the state 
(508 B.C.). Cleisthenes immediately set about a reorgani- 
zation of the state on the basis of the constitution of Solon 
with the purpose of correcting the defects and guarding 
against the dangers of the former legislation. Two evils 
had not been met by the Solonian constitution — the people 
could not exercise the rights given them because of aristo- 
cratic influence, and parties based on local self-interest 
rent the state. To meet these difficulties Cleisthenes 
made some fundamental changes. He organized the peo- 
ple into ten tribes. Each tribe was made up of three parts 
taken by lot from each of the three local divisions of Attica, 
the upland, the plain and the coast, where dwelt respec- 
tively the peasants, the landed proprietors and the mer- 
chants. Thus all interests and all parties were likely to be 
represented in each tribe. The unit of each tribe was the 
deme, or township; to be a citizen one must be enrolled 
in a deme ; it elected its officials, who revised its list of citi- 



Constitution of CleistJienes 113 

zen members from time to tirae and probably cared for the 
taxes. At the same time a large body of new citizens was 
created by the admission of strangers and freedmen resi- 
dent in the land. The Senate (Boule) was increased to 
500 members, fifty from each tribe, chosen in the demes ac- 
cording to the number of citizens in each deme. The year 
was divided into ten parts, and each body of fifty senators 
presided over public business for a month. As such it 
was called a Prytany and was lodged and fed at the 
public expense during that time. Ten generals (strat- 
egoi) were chosen, one from each tribe. The other offi- 
cials were appointed as before. A new device for guard- 
ing against tyranny was Ostracism. Every year the 
citizens were given the privilege of voting as to whether 
any prominent man was dangerous to the state. If 6,000 
citizens voted, a majority of votes recorded against any one 
upon the pieces of tile (ostraka) used for the purpose, 
compelled him to leave the state for ten years, though 
neither his property nor his citizen rights were lost. 

140. Thus Athens became a definitely democratic com- The victory 
munity. Solon had established the citizen body in its ^l^^^^'^' 
political rights; Pisistratus had given the poor people Athens, 
opportunity to become self-supporting and respectable; 
Cleisthenes made it possible for them to use their power 
in the actual conduct of the state. A notable poHtical 
experiment was now tried for the first time in history. 
The opportunity was soon to come in which it would be 
seen whether popular government was equal to meeting 
the strain of war and suffering. The Persian war-cloud 
was hanging over the eastern horizon (§ 90). With its 
swift approach the era of Greek Beginnings drew to its 
close (500 B.C.). 



114 The Beginnings of Greece 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion, (i) The Mycenaean 
Age. (2) The Middle Age. (3) The Age of Political Adjust- 
ment AND Expansion (continued) : Two states as illustrating the 
times: (a) Sparta (characteristics, politics, expansion, the Pelo- 
ponnesian league). (6) Athens (position, people, early politics, 
aristocracy, lawgivers, Solon and his work — tyrants, Cleisthenes 
and his work, outcome). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What is meant by Deme, Gerontes, 
Prytany, Helot, Acropolis, PericEci, Heliaea, Boule? 2. Who 
were Pheidon, Thespis, Dionysus, Cleomenes? 3. Locate 
from memory on an outline map all the cities and countries 
mentioned in §§ 131-140. 4. What is the date of the Second 
Messenian War? of Solon? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. Compare the manner in which 
Sparta built up her power in the Peloponnesus with the manner 
in which the eastern states built up their power (§§ 13, 14, 35, 

42, 68-71). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Story of Lycurgus and the Historical Problem Involved. Bury, 
pp. 135-136. 2. Cylon's Rebellion. Bury, pp. 175-179. 3. The 
Story of Solon. Plutarch, Life of Solon. 4. The Cretan Con- 
stitution Compared with that of Sparta. Bury, pp. 136-139. 5. 
Sparta's Beginnings and Organization. Morey, pp. 112-117; 
Bury, pp. 120-125; Botsford, pp. 27-29, 56-63; Shuckburgh, pp. 
30-45; Zimmern, ch. 3. 6. Sparta's Expansion. Morey, pp. 
T 18-120; Bury, pp. 125-129; Botsford, pp. 77-80. 7. Early 
History of Athens. Morey, pp. 120-125; Bury, pp. 163-180; 
Botsford, pp. 25-27, 41-48; Shuckburgh, pp. 55-68. 8. Solon's 
Constitution. Morey, pp. 125-129; Shuckburgh, pp. 68-86; 
Botsford, pp. 48-56; Bury, pp. 180-189. 9. Pisistratus. 
Morey, pp. 129-131; Bury, pp. 192-202; Botsford, pp. 70-77; 
Shuckburgh, pp. 81-88. 10. The Reforms of Cleisthenes. 
Morey, pp. 1 31-134; Shuckburgh, pp. 88-93; Botsford, pp. 
81-86; Bury, pp. 210-215. 



Summary of Greek Beginnings 115 

141. The beginnings of Greek life are unknown. The summary 
Oriental peoples were already far advanced in civiliza- period, 
tion when the first light breaks on the ^gean world. 
Yet by 1500 B.C. a series of vigorous and well-advanced 
Greek communities, extending from Cyprus to Sicily, ap- 
peared, having political and commercial relations to the 
East. This so-called Mycenaean age was brought to an 
end by the descent of rude tribes from the north, which is 
called the Dorian Migration. This cut off Greece from 
the outer world and set in motion new forces of political 
and social organization. Changes from tribal life to local 
settlement created the city-state and put at its head the 
aristocratic government. When the new-comers had 
adjusted themselves to their new homes, commerce began 
to revive on the shores of the ^gean. The cities on the 
Asia Minor coast came forward. New relations with the 
Orient arose. Wealth gave leisure and opportunity for 
the new growth of literature and art and rehgion. Epic 
poetry reached its height in Homer. The Greeks began 
to know themselves as one people, the Hellenes, and to 
form their ideals of social, religious and political life. The 
Olympic Gods (§ 113), the religious Games (§ 118), the 
Delphic Oracle, the Amphictyonies, were signs of the 
times. Commerce led to a wide and enterprising colonial 
activity in the Mediterranean world. All this new life 
reacted upon the Greeks to produce (i) dissatisfaction 
with aristocratic rule, leading to the appointment of Law- 
givers, the appearance of Tyrannies and the rise of De- 
mocracy; and (2) larger relations with the outside world, 
particularly with the Oriental Empires now being rapidly 
merged into the Persian Empire. Two states rose above 
the others as the age drew to an end. Sparta illustrates 



116 The Beginnings of Greece 

the tendency to maintain the old tribal system with its 
equality and its military bent. It grew by conquest, 
until it occupied half the Peloponnesus and formed a 
political League embracing almost all the rest. Thus it 
was the leading Greek state. Athens went to the other 
extreme. Its lawgivers, Solon and Cleisthenes, led the 
way in the establishment of popular government. Pisis- 
tratus, the Athenian tyrant, gave the state a leading place 
among the commercial powers of the time. Thus by 500 
B.C. the Greek world had reached a point at which, its po- 
litical institutions fixed and its states firmly established, 
it was prepared to take its place and do its work in world 
politics. This place and work in the world were opened 
to it in the rapidly approaching complications with the 
Persian Empire. 



GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 1 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. Trace the development 
of political institutions through the three epochs of this period 
(§§ loi, 105-108, 125-130). 2. Note the various stages in the 
development of literature and art in this period (§§ loi, no, 
III, 117, 120, 138). 3. Show how the literature and art of 
each epoch corresponds to the political history of that epoch. 
4. Give a history of the Greek king (§§ loi, 105, 106, 107, 127, 
134). 5. Compare the history of Sparta and Athens as they 
were affected by the general political development of Greece 
(§§ 107, 108, 132-140). 6. Trace the influence of commerce 
on the life of the Greeks during this period (§§ 102, 109, no, 114). 
7. On what occasions during this period did the Greeks come 
into contact with outside peoples? Who were these peoples 
and what did the contact mean for Greece (§§ 102, 114, 115, 
122, 132 (82), 138)? 8. Enumerate the influences (1) that 
kept the Greeks separate, and (2) that united them, during this 
period (§§ 94, 106, 108, 117, 118). 



Summary of Greek Beginnings 117 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. On an outline map 
of Greece place (1) the physical features of Greece, (2) the 
peoples and cities of the first epoch, (3) those of the second 
epoch, (4) those of the third epoch — using, if possible, different 
colored pencils or inks to distinguish the epochs — (5) then, with 
the general map of Greece before you, note the peoples and 
cities which have not yet played a part in the history. 2. 
Compare the Oriental scenes in Plates 1 1 1 and V with the Greek 
scene found in Plate VI and make observations from the point 
of view of grace, strength, simplicity, technical skill, etc. Com- 
pare, for further illustration, the plates inTarbell, pp. 132, 137, 
146, 151, 156. 

SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Olympian Games. 

Bury, pp. 140-142; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 
26-33; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 378-394; Diehl, Excur- 
sions in Greece, ch. 7. 2. Greek Oracles, especially Delphi. 
Bury, pp. 159, 161; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 
20-26; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 318-330. 3. Mycenaean 
Art. Tarbell, ch. 2; Bury, pp. 11-30; Tsountas and Manatt, 
Mycenaean Age, chs. 5, 9. 4. The Story of the Founding of a 
Greek Colony. Botsford, ch. 3; Bury, ch. 2; Duruy, History of 
Greece, II, pp. 165-173; Greenidge, pp. 36-45. 5. Write the 
story of the "Iliad" in a thousand words. Capps, pp. 22-74. 6. 
Write the story of the "Odyssey" in the form of an autobiography 
of Odysseus. Capps, pp. 75-110. 7. History of a Tyrant; 
Cleisthenes of Sicyon. Herodotus, V, 67-69; VI, 1 26-131; or, 
Polycrates of Samos. Herodotus, III, 40-47, 54-56, 120-125. 
8. The Legends of the Chief Gods of Greece. Grant, Greece in 
the Age of Pericles, pp. 12-18; Guerber, Myths of Greece and 
Rome. 9. Heracles and the Dorian Invasions. Bury, pp. 80- 
82; Duruy, History of Greece, I, pp. 273-281. 10. The Greek 
Temple. Mahaffy, Old Greek Life, pp. 19-24; Tarbell, ch. 3. 



118 The First Attempts at Empire 



2.— THE FIRST ATTEMPTS AT EMPIRE: 
ATHENIAN, SPARTAN, THEBAN 
AND MACEDONIAN 

500-331 B.C. 

(I) THE 142. The victory of Cyrus over Lydia (§82) had brought 

WITH th^ Ionian cities under the Persian power. This authority 
PERSIA, had been strengthened and extended over the islands by 
succeeding rulers until practically the whole coast was 
subject. The Scythian expedition of King Darius (§ 90) 
had been followed by the extension of Persian authority 
throughout the northern ^Egean, where a new satrapy 
was formed. It was clear that the Great King would not 
The Menace stop Until all the Greek peninsula acknowledged his scep- 
tre. Some Greek communities were already reconciled 
to this prospect and had sought the aid of Persia in the 
settlement of their difficulties. Among these were Thebes 
and Argos; the Delphic Oracle steadily favored submis- 
sion, and even Athens in the early days of Cleisthenes had 
offered to do homage. It seemed that the lack of Greek 
unity, set over against the mighty centralized power of 
Persia, would make successful defence impossible. 
The Ionian 143. But cvcnts bcyond the control of the Greek states 
made a conflict unavoidable. In 499 B.C. the Greek cities 
of Ionia under the leadership of Miletus rebelled against 
the Persians and sought help from Sparta and Athens. 
The former refused, but Athens sent twenty ships and 
Eretria five. The revolt, after lasting six years, was put 
down in 494 B.C. Persia immediately set about punishing 



X 




LANDS OF THE 

AEGEAN. 

'Scale of Miles. 

10 20 3 40 50 

I I Dorian States 
^^H Ionian States 
I I Aeolian States 
1 1 Barbarian States 



"^ij 



<5> 



^ 



^ 




The Marathon Campaign 119 

the Greeks of the peninsula for their interference, while Darius 
Sparta and Athens, with a boldness born rather of igno- crlece^ 
ranee and assurance than of real knowledge, awaited the 
attack. The first expedition commanded by Mardoni- 
us, the king's son-in-law, consisted of a land army and a 
fleet. It started southward from the Persian possessions 
on the north iEgean through Macedonia in 492 B.C. But 
the fleet was shipwrecked off Mt. Athos and the expe- 
dition returned in disgrace. A second attack was made 
in 490 B.C. by a force which sailed straight across the sea 
bound for Athens. It consisted of about 20,000 men, 
chiefly foot-soldiers. After stopping at the island of 
Euboea and sacking Eretria, the army was landed on the 
Attic coast in the hill-girt plain of Marathon. The Marathon. 
Athenian citizen force of 10,000 heavy armed men (hop- 
lites), aided by 1,000 troops of the neighboring city of 
Plataea, occupied the heights through which the road 
descended to the city. The ten strategoi, with the war 
archon at their head, were uncertain whether to meet the 
Persians there or to await them behind the walls of Athens. 
The Persians were equally in doubt as to what to do. 
Finally, after some days, the persuasions of one of the 
strategoi, Miltiades, were successful in inducing the 
Athenians to remain. The Persians also decided to 
advance. On the decisive day the war archon handed 
over the chief command to Miltiades. He extended his 
force until it equalled the Persian front, strengthening 
his wings at the expense of the centre, and hurled the army 
on a run against the advancing Persians. The strategy 
was successful, for, while his centre was broken, the wings 
were victorious and closed in upon the Persians, who fled 
to their ships. Six thousand four hundred Persians were 



120 The First AttemiJts at Empire 

slain and seven ships were taken; of the Athenians one 
hundred and ninety-two fell. The rest of the enemy- 
escaped upon the ships and returned to Asia Minor. Two 
days after, a Spartan force, for which the Athenians had 
despatched a swift messenger, arrived on the scene. 
sie;nificance 144. The victory of Marathon had no effect upon the 
victo%. Persian king beyond making him more determined than 
ever to conquer Greece. To him it was only a temporary 
check; a small force had been defeated in a somewhat 
rash enterprise. For the Greeks, however, the victory 
meant everything; now at last they had no fear of Persia 
and were ready to meet any attack however formidable. 
To Athens especially it was most significant. At one 
bound she sprang to the front as the defender of Greek 
freedom. Miltiades shared in the glory and became the 
first citizen of the state. Under his leadership a fleet was 
sent out against the islands under Persian rule. 
The Ten 145. The PcTsians were delayed ten years before attack- 

Respite, "'^g again. While Darius was making his preparations, 
the province of Egypt rebelled (486 B.C.). He himself 
died the next year and was succeeded by his son Xer- 
xes. During this time important changes were taking 
place in the pohtical situation at Athens. A failure of 
Miltiades in his naval expedition brought him into dis- 
grace with the Athenians ; he died while under condemna- 
tion by the people. The democratic movement was greatly 
aided by a change in the constitution by which the archons 
Democratic wcrc appointed by lot. In this arrangement the chief 
Athens^^ ^^ administrative officers of the state might sometimes be 
men who were not natural leaders. Hence the people found 
such leaders in the strategoi (§ 139) who were still elected, 
not chosen by lot. It was arranged that, henceforth, while 



The New Leaders at Athens 121 

nine strategoi were elected by the tribes, one, the chief 
strategos, should be elected by all the people. He there- 
fore became the chief man (the demagogue, "leader 
of the demos ") in the state, and the archons fell into 
obscurity. 

146. Under this arrangement two men came prominently Aristides. 
forward with very different political ideas. Aristides, 
a man of exceptionally high character, was conservative; 
he thought the safety of Athens and her greatness lay in 
emphasizing the importance of her heavy armed citizen 
soldiery that had won the battle of Marathon. Themis- Themisto- 
tocles, the opposing statesman, claimed that there was no ^^^^' 
hope of deliverance except in the creation of a naval force 
which could meet the Persians on the sea and beat them 
off. He urged also a commercial policy as the true source 
of wealth and progress for Athens. When in 493 B.C. HisPoUcy. 
Themistocles had been archon, he had induced the Athe- 
nians to change their harbor to the roomy and protected 
bay of the Piraeus, and now he urged his naval policy 
more vigorously. He persuaded the people to devote the 
income of their silver mines on the promontory of Lau- 
rium, usually distributed among the citizens, to the build- 
ing of the navy, and in 483 B.C. a fleet of at least one hun- 
dred triremes was ready. Opposition was overthrown 
by the ''ostracism" of Aristides in 482 B.C. This step 
was one of the most important ever taken by Athens. It 
marked out her future career. Had Aristides won, Athens its Result, 
would have remained a state in which the landholders 
and the people of property, who made up the citizen army, 
would have been the chief element in the state. The new 
policy turned Athens toward the sea. It brought into 
prominence and importance the merchants and trades- 



122 The First Attempts at Empire 



The Expe- 
dition of 
Xerxes. 



Dark Out- 
look for the 
Greeks. 



Union for 
Resistance. 



men; the mass of the poor and landless people, hitherto 
without influence in the state, were made as necessary 
for the fleet as the hoplites for the army. Hence, the policy 
was a step forward toward true democracy within the state 
and toward giving Athens a leading place in the greater 
world without. 

147. The preparations of Xerxes for the invasion of 
Greece were begun by 483 B.C. The plan adopted was 
the same as that of 492 B.C. (§ 143). To avoid the dan- 
gers of shipwreck off Mt. Athos a canal was cut through 
the peninsula on which it stood. Bridges were thrown 
across the streams and magazines of stores were estab- 
lished. An army and a fleet, which represented the full 
strength of the Empire, were collected. Xerxes himself 
took the command. The Greeks estimated the total size 
of the army at something short of two millions. A very 
conservative estimate makes the number of first-class fight- 
ing men, exclusive of camp-followers, about 100,000. The 
fleet numbered about a thousand ships, great and small. 
In the spring of 481 B.C. the Hellespont was crossed, and, 
by July, the fleet and the army were moving southward 
to the borders of Thessaly. 

148. The outlook for the Greeks was dark. To the 
demand for submission which Xerxes had made, through 
heralds sent up and down the land, a number of states had 
yielded. The Thessalian nobles, Thebes and the Boeotian 
cities under her influence, Argos and some lesser tribes, 
were either openly or secretly on the Persian side. The 
oracle of Delphi had lost all hope and its utterances in 
response to anxious inquiries from the different states 
were gloomy and discouraging. A council of the states 
that proposed to offer resistance met at Corinth. The 



Measures for Defence against Persia 123 

Peloponnesian league under Sparta's headship was nat- 
urally the chief power; Athens and other states loyally 
accepted her leadership. The council agreed that in the 
face of the pressing danger all feuds between Greek states 
should cease and a general invitation was extended to all 
to unite for defence. A special request for help was sent 
to Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, who ruled over the cities 
of Sicily and possessed military resources beyond those 
of any other state in the Greek world. But Xerxes had 
made an alliance with Carthage (§ 58), whereby she was 
to attack the Greeks of Sicily. Gelon was, therefore, un- 
able to render assistance even if he had been willing to do 
so. The plan of campaign proposed by Themistoclcs ThePian. 
was adopted; it was simple and masterly. On land, 
where the Persian army was so much larger, a battle was 
to be avoided as long as possible ; a naval battle was to be 
sought as soon as possible, for on the sea the opposing 
forces were more nearly equal. It was thought that, if 
the Persian fleet were destroyed, the army of the Great 
King would not be able to remain in Greece. Having 
made these preparations, full of heroic courage and un- 
daunted purpose, the representatives of the various states 
separated and the conflict began. 

149. In accordance with the plan, a small force was 
sent forward to block the enemy's advance at the northern 
mountain border of Thessaly. It was found, however, 
that there were too many passes through the mountains 
to make a defence possible at this point, and, abandoning 
Thessaly, the Greek force took its stand on the heights 
south of the Thessalian plain. Here the narrow and easily 
defended pass of Thermopylae forms the only entrance Ther- 
into middle Greece. The Greeks were under the com- '""py®- 



124 The First Attempts at Empire 

mand of the Spartan king Leonidas and consisted of 
about seven thousand men, the kernel of which was a 
corps of three hundred Spartans. Xerxes occupied Thes- 
saly without opposition, and by August, 480 B.C., advanced 
to Thermopylae to force the pass. The battle raged for 
two days, the flower of the Persians attacking the Greeks 
in the narrow defile in vain. On the third day, a troop 
was sent around on the heights above the pass, and the 
battle was renewed from front and rear. Retreat had 
been possible earlier and the bulk of the defenders had 
retired, but Leonidas and his Spartans remained and at 
last perished, overpowered by numbers. After the war 
was over, a monument was raised upon the hillock where 
the last stand was made, a lion carved in stone with the 
inscription : 

Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying 
here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws. 

The Greek i5o. Meanwhile the Persian fleet, sailing southward, 
^^®®*' had encountered a storm which destroyed some four 

hundred ships. The remainder, still a formidable host, 
advanced to the Pagasaean gulf. The Greek fleet was 
gathered at Artemisium on the north of Euboea. Sev- 
eral encounters took place without decisive result, when 
the news of Thermopylae decided the Greeks to withdraw 
to the Saronic gulf. The results thus far were distinctly 
unfavorable to the Greeks. The defeat of Thermopylae 
opened middle Greece to the Persians, while the Greek 
fleet had not gained any compensating advantage. The 
decisive struggle still to come was transferred now to the 
very heart of the peninsula. 

151. Xerxes moved down into Boeotia and took posses- 



Battle of Salamis 



125 



sion of the whole middle region. The Greeks, still pursu- 
ing their original plan, offered no resistance, but awaited 
the Persians at the Isthmus of Corinth, where they built a 
wall from one side to the other and stationed the Pelopon- 
nesian army under the command of Cleombrotus of Sparta, 
brother of Leonidas. Athens, therefore, was quite un- 



BATTIiE OF 
SALAMIS. 




protected, and measures were immediately taken for aban- 
doning the country and transporting the inhabitants to 
Salamis, -^gina and the Peloponnesus. Soon the Per- 
sians came down and burned the city. The Greek fleet 
of about three hundred ships was now drawn up between 
Salamis and the Attic shore. There was great uncertainty saiamis, 
among the commanders whether to fight the oncoming 
Persian fleet then and there, or to retreat to the Pelopon- 
nesian shore in order to keep in touch with the army. 



126 The First Attempts at Empire 

Themistocles, who desired a battle where the Greeks then 
were, sent a messenger to Xerxes to warn him of the in- 
tended flight of the Greeks. The Persian king immedi- 
ately sent two hundred Egyptian vessels to block up the 
western outlets, while the main fleet was stationed in front 
of the Greeks on the eastern side of the island. When 
the news was brought by Aristides, who had been recalled 
from exile, that the western passage was occupied, the 
Greeks saw themselves forced to give battle. It was well 
for them that the battle was fought here, for, in the narrow 
straits, their lighter ships and smaller numbers counted 
for much more, while the larger Persian fleet was crowded 
and hampered. About the 28th of September, 480 B.C., 
the fight began at break of day, and by night the Persians 
were completely beaten. Xerxes, whose throne had been 
set up on the slope of Mt. ^galeos, witnessed the dis- 
comfiture of his navy. The next morning the remaining 
ships bore away to the eastward and disappeared. 
Effect of 152. Salamis was the first of the battles with Persia 

the Battle. ^^^^ ^^^ propcrly be called a decisive victory. Its conse- 
quences appeared at once. The Greeks were now masters 
of the sea. The Persian army, without the support of a 
fleet, and in an enemy's country, must depend upon itself 
for support and success. A defeat would be ruin. More- 
over, should the Greeks sail to the Hellespont, they could 
cut Xerxes's communications with his own land, stir up 
the Ionian cities to rebellion and force the Persian army to 
return home. That was precisely what Themistocles de- 
sired the fleet to do immediately after the battle, but the 
other commanders were unwilling to venture so far away 
from home. Xerxes was not slow in grasping the situation. 
He decided to go back at once to Asia, leaving Mardonius 



The Battle of Platcea 127 

with the bulk of the army to push forward the campaign 
next year. 

153. The Persian army withdrew from Attica and went 
into winter quarters in Boeotia. The Athenians returned 
to their fields and rebuilt their homes. As spring (479 
B.C.) came on, however, it was clear that unless the Pelo- 
ponnesians advanced beyond the isthmus, Attica would 
again be laid waste by the Persians. But, in spite of the 
appeals of the Athenians, the Spartans failed to move, and 
Athens had again to be abandoned. Only the threat of 
the Athenians that they would make peace with Mardo- 
nius, who had given them all kinds of promises, forced the 
advance of the Peloponnesians. As they came out of the 
isthmus, the Persians retired from Attica and took up a 
position in the vicinity of Plataea. Mardonius was said piataea. 
to have an army of three hundred thousand men, well or- 
ganized and equipped, and might reasonably hope for 
victory over the Greeks. They were numbered at about 
one hundred thousand men, drawn from the various Pelo- 
ponnesian states and from Athens, under the command 
of Pausanias, the Spartan. The two opponents manoeu- 
vred for some days before Plataea, the Persian hoping 
that the C reeks would fall into quarrels among themselves 
or be unable to obtain provisions for so great a host. 
Finally, however, having caught Pausanias in the midst 
of a movement to change his base of operations, Mardo- 
nius hurled his finest troops upon the Spartan force. But 
the Spartans maintained their steadiness and discipline 
in the face of the enemy until ordered to charge. As at 
Marathon, so here, the onset of the hoplites was irre- 
sistible. They tore the opposing Persian force in pieces; 
Mardonius was killed ; the Persian camp stormed. The 



128 The First Attempts at Empire 

Persian general Artabazus succeeded in getting away into 
Asia with less than a fifth of the army. Thus, as He- 
rodotus said, "was gained by Pausanias the most famous 
victory of all those about which we have knowledge." 
The Persians disappeared from Greek territory, never 
again to enter it. 

154. During these years two other battles were fought 
which completed the discomfiture of the Persians. In 
the west, Gelon of Syracuse (§ 148), who was attacked 
by the Carthaginians in alliance with Persia, defeated 

Himera. them decisively in the battle of Himera (480 B.C.), said 
to have been fought on the very day of Salamis. The 
Greek fleet, which had been inactive since the victory of 
Salamis, sailed in 479 B.C. over to Asia Minor, where the 
remnant of the Persian fleet was protecting the coast. 
On the approach of the Greeks the enemy's fleet was 
drawn up under protection of the army, on the shore of 

Mycaie. the promontory of Mycale. Here the Greeks attacked 
them and won a complete victory (479 B.C.) and thus 
gained control of the Ionian coast. Not a Persian ship 
was to be found on the yEgean sea. After capturing the 
city of Sestos, one of the keys to the Hellespont, the fleet 
returned to Greece. 

Reasons 155. Thus closcd the Critical years which resulted in 

s°Jcfe7s*^ warding off the Persian attack and triumphantly defend- 
ing the independence of Greece. How it was all achieved, 
the Greeks themselves hardly knew. We see that (i) the 
Greek infantry with its long spears was more than a match 
for the Persian foot-soldiers with their bows, (2) the sea- 
manship of the Greeks was better than that of the Persians, 
while (3) the strongest part of the Persian army, the cav- 
alry, had no chance in the narrow valleys and mountain- 



Effect of the Greek Victories 129 

passes of Greece. (4) The union of the Greeks, Hmited 
and defective as it was, and (5) the consummate statesman- 
ship of Themistocles, in creating and enlarging the navy 
of Athens and emphasizing the importance of the control 
of the sea, had no small part in securing victory. 

156. The result of the conflict may be said to have been Twofold 
tv^ofold. First, it emphasized and glorified all those ele- ^^^^^^ °' 
ments of Greek life which the past centuries had been struggle, 
building up — the consciousness of Greek unity in the 

face of the outside world, the sentiments of independence, 
of patriotism and of freedom that had come to be the life 
of every Greek community. Second, it made Greece a 
world-power, transferred political supremacy from the 
east to the west and created among the leading Greek 
states aspirations after wider political influence and au- 
thority for which opportunities opened on every side. 

157. Two poets of the time revealed this sense of the The Liter- 
power and glory of victorious Greece. Pindar, of Boeotia ^^^ ^^^°' 
(about 522-448 B.C.), mightiest of the Lyric poets (§ 120), 
gained his chief fame by his Odes, glorifying the victors Pindar, 
in the national games (§118). In them he celebrated 

all those characteristic quahties which the Greek revealed 
in the Persian struggle — ^^his manly vigor, his love of beauty, 
his deep piety, his heroic temper, his joy in his splendid 
past, his freedom and moral independence, his serene 
faith in the higher powers, untroubled by doubt or fear, 
^schylus (about 525-456 B.C.), the tragedian of Ath- 
ens, himself fought at Marathon and Salamis, and cele- 
brated the victories in his Persce, a tragedy brought out 
in 472 B.C., in which he depicts the doom of the arrogant 
king who sets himself up against the Almighty. JEs- ^Eschyius. 
chylus was the real founder of tragedy; he introduced 



130 The First Attempts at Empire 

the novelty of having two actors and a chorus, thus se- 
curing effective dramatic action. In his plays he uses 
the mythical and legendary tales of the heroes of old; 
Prometheus, AgamemnoUy the Seven against Thebes, are 
some of his titles. He is the poet-preacher of righteous- 
ness, of the punishment of pride, of the supremacy of 
moral law over all beings, divine and human, of the inevi- 
table payment for sin wherever committed. He moves 
in a superhuman world of grand, heroic, sinful, suffering 
beings over whom hangs the penalty of violated right and 
truth. The gods, who are jealous of the overweening 
might of the Great King and have brought him to ruin, are 
on the watch to avenge themselves upon such a spirit 
everywhere. So he warned, while he uplifted, the souls 
of his generation, and spoke words that live forever. 
The Birth 158. We havc sccn that the Greek states assumed new 
Imperial- pohtical importance in the world as the result of their 
ism. victory. This was certain to transform Greek poli- 

tics. Not the petty Greek communities, but only the 
leaders could enter into the race for world-power. In 
the struggle of these leaders with each other could Greek 
unity be preserved or Greek independence be main- 
tained? These were the problems that sprang up when 
the fight for freedom from Persian supremacy was won. 
Thus it came to pass that Greek Imperialism was the 
child of the Persian Wars. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire. 

(a) The Wars with Persia: What led up to them (the advance of 
Persia, the Ionian Revolt) — the various expeditions (the first; the 



The Rise of Athens 131 

second, Marathon and its effect; the ten years, new men and 
new policies at Athens; the expedition of Xerxes, the attitude of 
Greece, the battles east and west) — the outcome — literature — 
imperialism. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following noted: 
Persepolis, Miletus, Marathon, Laurium, Mt. Athos, Helles- 
pont, Plataea, Mycale, Himera? 2. Who were Mardonius, 
Cyrus, >Eschylus, Leonidas, Gelon, Aristides? 3. What is 
meant by tragedy, strategos, lyric poetry, mythical, legendary, 
imperialism, ostracism? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the attitude of the 
Lydians and the Persians toward the Ionian cities (§ 115). 2. 
Compare the growth of the Persian Empire (§§ 81, 82, 87, 90) 
with that of the Greek states. 3. Compare the relation of 
the Persian armies to the Persian government (§ 87) with 
that of the Greek armies toward their governments. 4. Plan 
an attack on Greece by Persia and the Greek means of resist- 
ance to the attack. 5. Read Browning's "Echetlos" as an 
interpretation of Greek spirit. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Ionian Revolt. Bury, pp. 241-247; Morey, pp. 174-176; Bots- 
ford, pp. 110-115; Shuckburgh, pp. 111-123. 2. The Campaign 
of Marathon. Bury, pp. 247-257; Shuckburgh, pp. 128-136; 
Zimmern, pp. 141-147. 3. Themistocles and His Policy. Plu- 
tarch, Life of Themistocles; Bury, pp. 263, 264; Botsford, pp. 
124-126; Morcy, pp. 181-184; Shuckburgh, pp. 138-142. 
4. The Campaign of Xerxes. Bury, pp. 265-296; Botsford, 
pp. 127-136; Morey, pp. 184-192; Shuckburgh, pp. 142-171; 
Zimmern, pp. 148-191. 5. Incidents of the Battle of Salamis. 
Herodotus, VHI, §§ 40-42, 49-96. 6. .Cschylus. Capps, ch. 
8; Jebb, pp. 73-83; Murray, pp. 109-116. 7. Sicily in the 
Persian Wars. Bury, pp. 296-304; Botsford, pp. 136-139. 

159. Out of the struggle against the Persian invaders (d the 

two Greek powers came forth to reap the fruits of victory, athens 

Sparta, as the head of the Peloponnesian League, had p^^f^^ 

been officially recognized as the leader in the conflict; power. 
but thQ heroic, determined and far-sighted activities of 



132 The First Attempts at Empire 



Persia 
Driven 
from the 
^gean. 



The Delian 
Confeder- 
acy 
Formed. 



Athens during the wars had given her a foremost place 
in the estimation of all patriotic Greeks. Hence, the com- 
ing years reveal her as the rival of Sparta for the headship 
among the Greek states. 

Herodotus testifies to the service of Athens in the great struggle 
as follows: "If a man should now say that the Athenians were the 
saviors of Greece, he would not exceed the truth. For they truly 
held the scales; and whichever side they espoused must have carried 
the day. They, too, it was, who, when they had determined to main- 
tain the freedom of Greece, roused up that portion of the Greek 
nation which had not gone over to the Medes; and so next to the 
gods, they repulsed the invader.** 

1 60. The first task v^hich awaited the victors was to 
drive the Persians out of the JEgean sea and deliver the 
Asiatic Greeks from Persian domination. The Greek 
fleet under the Spartan king Pausanias (§ 153) undertook 
this task. But the arrogance of the victor of Plataea 
and the indifference of the ruling powers at Sparta pro- 
voked a reaction which resulted in the transference of 
the leadership to the Athenians under Aristides (§ 146). 
The work was brilliantly accomplished. With the ex- 
ception of a few isolated cities, the Greek settlements on 
the entire ^Egean coast and in the eastern Mediterranean 
as far as Cyprus were made free. 

161. It was clear, however, that this freedom could 
be maintained only by presenting a united front to the 
enemy. Hence, a new league sprang into being under 
the headship of Athens — a league of the ^gean cities. 
Large and small alike, they banded together to furnish 
a fleet for defence and offence against Persia (475 B.C.). 
Those who were unable or unwilling to furnish ships, 
contributed yearly a sum of money. The amount of the 



•sgsa^sg3-sg£§c2s'ss-SE'o5 









a 

§:■£ SI'S 




The Delian Confederacy 133 

contribution in each case was left to Aristides to deter- 
mine, according to his judgment of the resources of each 
city. The pre-eminence of Athens was also recognized 
by giving her the command of the united fleet and by ar- 
ranging that the yearly contributions should be collected 
by her. The total sum assessed upon the cities amounted 
to four hundred and sixty talents. The money was placed in 
the sanctuary of Apollo on the island of Delos. There the 
representatives of the various cities met to deliberate upon 
common interests. Hence the league received the name 
of the Delian Confederacy. 

162. Meanwhile the Athenians at home under the guid- Athens 
ance of Themistocles were making rapid strides forward. 

He saw clearly into the political situation — the opportunity 
for Athens to take its place at the head of the Greek world. 
If Aristides was the active agent of the advance of the city 
abroad, he supplied the vital energy for the forward move- 
ment. Under his inspiration Athens rose again from her 
ruins larger than before and was surrounded by a strong 
wall. The Piraeus, the port of Athens, was fortified and 
its harbors protected by moles. Some years after (458 
B.C.), the city and the port were joined by long walls, a 
device which freed Athens from fear of assault by land 
and gave her unhindered access to the sea. Thus she 
became independent of Spartan interference and was able 
to direct all her energies to estabHshing her maritime 
supremacy. 

163. The revival and extension of Greek commerce The New 
assisted in bringing about Athenian predominance. With merdai 
the driving of the Persians from the ^Egean and — it might situation, 
almost be added — from the Mediterranean, sea-trade 

fell into Greek hands. It was natural that the bulk of 



134 Tlie First Attempts at Empire 



Favors 
Athens. 



Political 
Primacy of 
Athens in 
the Con- 
federacy. 



Develop- 
ment of 
Athens 
into an 
Imperial 
SUte. 



this trade should centre about Athens. The cities of the 
Asia Minor coast were cut off from trading with the in- 
terior because of the hostiHty of Persia. The other towns 
on the yEgean were small. All were incHned to follow 
the lead of Athens in commercial as in political matters. 
Thus the immense increase of Greek commerce contrib- 
uted to her upbuilding. She became the chief mart where 
ships gathered from the entire Greek world. The only 
formidable rival was Corinth, whose connections with 
the west were many and close. Athens's commercial su- 
premacy naturally opened the way for her political pre- 
dominance. She made many commercial treaties with 
her allies, an important condition of which was that all 
difficulties rising out of trade should be adjusted in the 
Athenian law-courts in accordance with Athenian law. 
From this it was natural to go on to require that all disa- 
greements should follow the same course, until finally 
the majority of the cases at law among the members of 
the League were tried at Athens. The advantages of 
this system were great. One code, and that the best in 
all Greece, was extended over many communities whose 
sense of justice had not become so fine and high as that 
of Athens. Yet it meant for them the giving up to Athens 
of one of the sovereign powers of the state — the adminis- 
tration of justice — and placed Athens in a position in 
which she became greater than a mere ally. 

164. Other things tended to push her forward. The 
Persians were not able to make head against so formidable 
a league and ceased to attempt opposition. Hence, as 
fear of their attacks lessened, the allies began to feel that 
union for defence against them was not so necessary. The 
yearly contributions were made more grudgingly. Some 



Cimofij Leader at Athens 135 

cities were even desirous of withdrawing. But Athens 
held rightly that as the union of states had brought about 
this condition of safety, so only a continuance of the union 
could maintain it; hence, that states dehnquent in their 
contributions should be forced to pay and those who at- 
tempted to withdraw should be compelled to remain. 
Thus, when Naxos rebelled in 466 B.C. and Thasos in 
465 B.C., they were reduced to subjection by the Athenian 
fleet. The DeHan League was fast becoming an Athenian 
Imperial State. 

165. Naturally, Sparta had regarded the rise of Athens Fail of 
with disfavor, and recognizing Themistocles as its author, ^^"s*"**^. 
desired his downfall. Through his diplomacy her opposi- 
tion to the building of the fortifications of Athens (§ 162) 
had amounted to nothing. She had been unable to make 
much headway because of troubles at home occasioned 
by the ambition of King Pausanias. He recklessly aimed 
at making himself lord of Sparta and thereby of all Greece.' 
He even entered into treasonable correspondence with the 
Persians and intrigued with the Helots (§ 132) to induce 
them to rebel. But now at Athens the influence of The- 
mistocles began to wane before that of Cimon, the son 
of Miltiades, the hero of Marathon. He was a high-bom, 
rich, genial, successful general who had succeeded Aris- 
tides in the command of the Athenian fleet. He was no Rise of 
far-seeing statesman like Themistocles, but, for that very *™°"' 
reason, was nearer the majority who failed to follow the 
greater leader in his radical plans for Athenian empire. 
Cimon's policy was conservative. He favored continuing 
war on Persia and renewing friendship with Sparta. In Fail of 
the end Themistocles was ostracized (471 B.C.). Later, ^q^*™*^' 
when the Spartans got rid of their difficulties with Pausa- 



136 The First Attempts at Empire 



Cimon, 
Leader of 

Athens. 



Democracy 
Popular in 
the Greek 
World. 



nias by putting him to death, they claimed to find evidence 
in his papers that Themistocles had joined in his treason- 
able plans. The exile was forced to find refuge with the 
Persians, where he died some years after. Cimon's leader- 
ship of Athens was marked by a splendid victory over the 
Persians at the Eurymedon (466 B.C.) and by his bring- 
ing aid to the Spartans in their struggles with the rebellious 
Helots of Messenia. But the Spartans declined his help 
and he returned in disgrace. 

166. Another cause of Sparta's suspicion of Athens, 
besides that occasioned by her sudden rise to power, was 
the influence of her democratic constitution. Her vigor 
and heroism in the Persian struggle had rightly been at- 
tributed to her democratic spirit, and, along with her ad- 
vancement, democratic ideas and institutions had begun 
to be popular elsewhere. When the Ionian cities were 
freed from the Persian yoke, they set up democratic gov- 
ernments. The impulse spread to the Peloponnesus, where 
Argos, Arcadia and Elis became democratic. In the far 
west the cities of Sicily followed the same example; Syra- 
cuse established a democracy on the death of the tyrant 
Hiero (467 B.C.), the successor of Gelon (§ 154). In al- 
most every city of Greece, even in aristocratic states like 
those of Boeotia, a democratic party appeared which fol- 
lowed in the footsteps of Athens and looked to her for 
support. It was not strange that Sparta, which had been 
steadily growing more aristocratic as her pure-blooded 
Spartan citizens grew fewer and fewer in number, should 
view this state of things with increasing uneasiness, and 
take a firmer stand in favor of oligarchy against democracy 
in general, and especially against Athens, its exemplar. 

167. During these years the government at Athens 



Advancing Democracy at Athens 137 

was coming more and more into the hands of the people. Growth of 
The provisions of the constitutions of Solon and Cleis- atTth"ns^ 
thenes (§§ 137, 139) were broadened or changed in their 
interest. But the Council of the Areopagus (§ 134), by 
its judicial and legal powers, was a check to their power 
in Public Assembly and Law- Courts. Its organization 
out of a special class of ex-officials and its self-perpetuating 
character were likewise inconsistent with popular govern- 
ment. Hence, new leaders of the democracy, Ephialtes 
and Pericles, induced the people to pass a law which Rise of 
deprived it of these powers (462 B.C.). This was in direct ^"*'^^®^- 
opposition to the policy of the conservatives under Cimon, Fail of 
and the victory of the Democracy, aided by the failure of ^^™°°- 
his Spartan poHcy (§ 165), was followed by his ostracism 
(467 B.C.). The powers of the Areopagus were divided 
between the Boule (§ 137), the Heligea (§ 137) and the 
Public Assembly. A little later, in 457 B.C., the office of 
archon was thrown open to the less wealthy citizens, the 
Zeugitas (§137). It became the fashion to have a large The 
part of the public business done or supervised by Boards Dlmoc-° 
of citizens. Thus there was the Board of Education, of f^'^y- 
Finance, of Dockyards, of Religion. The officials were 
held to a very strict reckoning. A Board of Auditors 
supervised all their accounts. 

168. In general, the government was undertaken by the The 
citizens themselves in PubHc Assembly (Ecclesia). This E*ci?sir 
Ecclesia had certain limitations upon its activity. All 
measures, whether laws or administrative acts, must first 
pass through the Boule and, by a committee of the 
Boule, be presented to the Ecclesia. All laws must be 
finally approved by the Heliaea. Moreover, to keep citi- 
zens from offering too many new laws, the regulation was 



138 The First Attempts at Empire 

made that anyone who proposed a new law or decree was 
hable to prosecution, if it was found to be contrary to ex- 
isting law. Yet, even with all these limitations, the power 
of the Ecclesia, both in its direct administrative activity 
and its indirect authority over all officials, was very great. 
It declared war, made peace, controlled finance, directed 
commerce, maintained and guarded religion, determined 
home and foreign policy. 
The 169. As the citizens in Public Assembly governed the 

lIw-"'*" state, so in the Law- Courts or Heliaea they administered 
Courts. justice directly. All cases, whether civil or criminal, came 
before them. For practical work the whole body was 
divided into sections called dicasteries, each numbering 
from two hundred to one thousand citizens or even more. 
Those who came before the court pleaded their cause 
themselves. No lawyers were permitted to speak, though 
soon a class of men appeared who wrote speeches for de- 
livery by the pleaders. As the same citizens acted as 
judges and legislators, it was presumed that they knew 
the law and passed judgment according to it. And though 
the dangers of prejudice and ignorance were not always 
avoided, the legal system and the judicial fairness of the 
law-courts of Athens were superior to those anywhere else 
in the world. 
The 170. This active conduct of the state by its citizens 

arofficiais. "leant that all had a part in it. It has been estimated that 
each man was brought into the service of the state as an 
official at least once in sixteen years, besides taking part in 
the Law-Courts and the Ecclesia. Much time was re- 
quired, and this could be spared with difficulty from daily 
work. Hence, pay for certain kinds of state service was 
introduced. Members of the Boule received a drachma 



LeadersliiiJ of the Democracy 139 

—twenty cents— a day, and the jurors in the HeUsea two 
obols— six cents— a day * Attendance at the Assembly 
was not paid nor did the higher officials receive salary. 

171 But who was to lead the citizens in their PubUc The 

•*-'-^* . , c r -^ Strategos. 

Assembly and suggest lines of policy and courses of action t 
In theory this was the privilege of any citizen. But the 
Athenians had not developed that confidence in them- 
selves as individuals, nor had they entirely lost that de- 
pendence upon the aristocratic families, which would 
permit them to turn their theory into practice. We have 
already seen that the strategoi occupied the most honor- 
able positions in the state (§ 145) and that the chief strat- 
egos was elected by the Public Assembly. He was their 
best man and as such became their leader and took the 
position of " demagogue." This position was entirely un- 
official. It gave him no legal power. He led the people 
because he was able to persuade them that his plans and 
policy were the best. Themistocles, Aristides and Cimon 
are examples of such leadership. And at this time came 
forward another who, by virtue of his descent, personality 
and character, guided the history of Athens for thirty years. 
This was Pericles, a member of the noble family of the Peri^ciesjhe 
Alcm^onidffi to which Cleisthenes had belonged. In the Athenian 
conflicts about the overthrow of the Areopagus, Eph- Poutics. 
ialtes had been murdered, and with his death Pericles 
stood alone as the leader of the democracy. The changes 
that have been described, which turned the government 
into a practical rule of the people, were made under his 
direction. Though he was an aristocrat who knew and 
maintained his distance from the people with a dignity 

*It must be remembered that the purchasing power of money was 
much greater then than now. 



140 The First Attempts at Empire 

that often seemed coldness, he nevertheless took their 
cause to his heart, awed and convinced them by his in- 
corruptible and lofty ideals, and swayed them by his clear 
and glowing eloquence. Trusted and followed by the 
citizens, he ruled them as their servant, and moulded the 
destiny of the state as no king or tyrant could ever do. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire. 

(a) The Persian Wars, {b) The Rise of the Athenian Empire : 
Elements assisting it (the war with Persia, the ^gean cleared, 
Delian Confederacy formed, Athens rebuilt, commercial situation) 
— Athens at the head of the Confederacy (her law supreme, her 
power dominant) — politics at Sparta and Athens (Pausanias falls, 
Cimon and Themistocles) — the spread of democracy — Athenian 
democracy (Areopagus overthrown, Cimon falls, democracy tri- 
umphant, the ecclesia, the law-courts, officials, strategos, Pericles 
the leader). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What events are connected with the 
names of Pausanias, Cimon, Themistocles, Aristides? 2. For 
what are the following places noted: Delos, Eurymedon? 
3. What was the date of the founding of the Delian Confeder- 
acy; of the ostracism of Themistocles? 4. What is meant by 
Areopagus, Heliaea, Ecclesia, drachma, dicastery, helot? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Delian Confederacy 
with the Peloponnesian League (§ 132). 2. Compare Athens 
in the years 500 b.c. and 476 b.c. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Confederacy of Delos. Morey, pp. 205-207; Bury, pp. 328- 
330; Shuckburgh, pp. 173-176. 2. Themistocles and the Re- 
covery of Athens. Bury, pp. 330-334; Morey, pp. 202-205; 
Zimmern, 192-197. 3. Fall of Pausanias and Themistocles. 
Bury, pp. 324-326, 334-336; Shuckburgh, pp. 178-181; Zim- 



The Age of Pericles 141 

mern, pp. 198-204. 4. Athens and the Confederacy. Bury, 
pp. 336-342; West, pp. 160-162; Botsford, pp. 151-153. 5. 
Cimon. Plutarch, Life of Cimon; Bury, pp. 342-345; Morey, 
pp. 207-209; Zimmern, pp. 205-213; Botsford, pp. 152-156. 

172. The thirty years (461-431 B.C.) of the leadership (3) the 
of Pericles is the supreme period of the Athenian state, periclej 
It reached the highest place of wealth, culture and power. 

To Pericles and his wise direction of affairs this state of 
things was largely due, and the period is properly called the 
"Age of Pericles." As the scene includes the whole of 
Greece, we shall take advantage of it to study, with Athens 
as the central point : (a) the inner Hfe of the Greek world 
in its general features, and (b) the political condition and 
course of affairs, as they prepared the way for the civil 
wars which gave Greece her death-blow. 

173. The chief characteristic of the age is the growth (a) The 
of city Hfe. The attempts of Solon and Pisistratus (§§ 137, of "Greece! 
139) to better the lot of the Attic peasants did not succeed. 

The introduction of money and the necessity of competing 
with grain brought from across the sea steadily reduced the 
farmers to poverty. At the same time the opportunities 
for making a living in the city and enjoying life there grew 
greater, and multitudes of countrymen flocked thither. 
Their lands fell to the nobles or capitalists who themselves 
lived in the city and worked their wide estates by slave 
labor. The attractions of trade also brought large num- Growth of 
bers of foreigners to reside more or less permanently in the ^ **^' 
cities. The result was that city populations reached their 
highest point. According to probable estimates, Athens 
numbered not less than 250,000 people; Syracuse was not 
far behind; Corinth and ^Egina reached about 100,000; 
Sparta and Argos were much smaller, and there was a 



142 The First Attempts at Empire 

goodly number of the cities of the iEgean in which from 

10,000 to 30,000 people lived. 
Extension 1 74* Industry and trade became the chief activities in 
of Industry ^YiQ?>Q citics. The wants of the large populations must 

be supplied. Many people set up Httle shops in which 

they manufactured and sold goods directly to customers. 

The state needed many hands for its growing public busi- 



MEBODOTUS DOES NOT J<_NOW^HOW _FAR WRTH THE lAND EXTENDS 

eTT'oU I ) R O p" 




THE WORLD 

Accordlnfi> to IFerodotua 
Fifth Centurr B. O. 



And Com- 
merce. 



ness, and many others found their bread in working on 
the public buildings which were everywhere put up on a 
scale of splendor corresponding to the increasing wealth 
and importance of the communities. Manufacturing 
on a large scale was not uncommon, and many workmen 
were employed in turning out the various articles which 
the rapidly advancing commerce required for export to 
all parts of the Greek world. The mercantile activity 
of the Piraeus, the port of Athens, grew with tremendous 
strides. Ships from all sides brought food for the support 



Money and Coinage 143 

of the population — grain and fish from the Black sea, 
meats from Thessaly and Sicily, fruits from Euboea, 
Rhodes and Phoenicia. Costly woods came from Crete, 
ivor}' from Libya, carpets from Carthage, incense from 
Syria and books from Eg}'pt. "The fruits of the whole 
earth," said Pericles, ''flow in upon us; so that we enjoy 
the goods of other countries as freely as of our own." The 
incorporation of the cities of the Dehan League into the 
Athenian Empire still further stimulated commerce at 
Athens and throughout the various cities. One law and 
one system governed all their transactions with one another. 

175. Thus opportunity was oft'ered for a large increase increase of 
of wealth. We have seen the older idea gradually passing ^**^^ 
away, that true property was property in land (§§ 125, 
130). Now, although the aristocracy still cherished the no- 
tion and took pride in their estates, manufacturing, trade 
and deahng in money afforded to the many the largest 
opportunity for acquiring property and the best standard 
for estimating it. A thoroughly organized system of Coinage. 
coinage was in operation. The principal silver coin was 
the drachma (nearly 20 cents); there were also two, 
three and four drachma pieces. Of smaller coins the chief 
was the obol (about three cents); six of them made a 
drachma. A copper coin, the chalkons, was one-eighth 
of the obol. The standard of monetar}' exchange was 
the talent (about Si, 180), containing sixty minas (the 
mina about $20) ; the mina contained 100 drachmas. Gold 
coins were usually those of foreign countries. Later, the 
gold stater, in value perhaps equal to twenty drachmas, 
was coined. Money had a greater purchasing power 
than at present, and therefore the large fortunes of that 
day seem small to us. A capital of from Si 2,000 to Si 5,000 



144 The First Attempts at Empire 

placed one in the ranks of the rich. Such men of weaUh 
found abundant opportunities for loaning their money, 
since all sorts of manufacturing and commercial enter- 
prises needed capital. The usual rate of interest on good 
security was about twelve per cent. 
Greeks not 1 76. It sccms clear, however, that in general the Greeks 
Susts^^^' ^^*^ ^^ such comprehension of business, nor did they so 
fully recognize the importance of encouraging trade, as did 
the ancient Babylonians. They were slow to see that 
" money-making " was a desirable activity. It was enough 
that all should live according to their station and serve the 
state as service was required. Even though to be a land- 
holder was by that time not regarded as indispensable to 
good social standing, wealth did not of itself make its 
possessor a man highly regarded. On the contrary, a mer- 
chant or trader, however rich he might be, was looked 
down upon. The ordinary citizen, living on the modest 
proceeds of his daily work, or supported by the scanty 
dole of the state for his public service, was more honor- 
Greek able. Hindrances were put in the way of commerce, and 
toward^ limits were assigned to the profits to be gained. Yet com- 
Money. mcrce grew and thrived in spite of public sentiment. 
Only because the advantages of having money could not 
be denied, did the struggle for it continue to absorb more 
and more of the energies of the citizens. Yet it never 
approached the importance and prominence which it has 
to-day. The Greek thought more of what he was than of 
what he had; to serve the state and to enjoy life as well as 
to enlarge his opportunities of doing both, these were 
more desirable in his eyes than absorption in business and 
the pursuit of wealth. 

177. The result of this was that the business of Athens 



Classes of Society 145 

was carried on chiefly by foreigners who were permitted Foreigners 
to settle in the city; they were called metoikoi. The ^n^^^^^' 
leaders of the state saw clearly the advantages of encour- 
aging them to pursue their businesses, and they were more 
liberally dealt with at Athens than elsewhere. Apart 
from having no citizen-rights and being compelled to pay 
a tax to the state, they were on an equahty with other free- 
men. The same laws protected them; the same privileges 
were granted them. As a result many of them were found 
at Athens, and in this period they numbered about 30,000 
persons. 

178. From an economic and social point of view the Thesiave 
most important class of the population was the slaves. 
Their unpaid labor was employed in tilling the great es- 
tates, in working the mines, in turning out manufactured 
articles and in doing all sorts of household service. They 

made it possible for the citizen to obtain the leisure neces- 
sary to perform his political duties and to enjoy the op- 
portunities for culture which the state afforded. As the 
activities of the cities enlarged, the number of slaves also 
increased. The slave-trade became more important; the 
supply from the North JEgean and Black sea region was 
abundant; captives in war were sold. Every city had a 
large slave population ; that at Athens has been estimated 
at about 100,000 and the other large cities had propor- 
tionate numbers. They formed, one might say, the foun- 
dation of the social structure. 

179. Another social element, the family, throws an in- The 
structive side-Hght upon Greek life. The equahty and *°"^* 
freedom which reigned in the best public life of the time 

had no place in the life at home. The husband was abso- 
lute ruler in his household, and his wife was a nonentity. 



146 The First Attempts at Empire 



Woman. 



Education. 



He spent little time at home ; she seldom left it. Here the 
Greek was far behind the Oriental of Babylonia and Egypt 
(§ 25), where woman had a relatively high place in society. 
Indeed, in some respects, the cultured and free Athenian 
did not respect woman as highly as the rude Spartan, who 
gave her much larger liberty. In the earlier ages of the 
aristocratic rule the wives of the nobles seem to have had 
greater influence, but it is one of the strange inconsisten- 
cies of Greek life that the new democracy and the larger 
city-life both worked to lower the position of woman. The 
wife did not even have charge of the household, which was 
managed by a steward. She usually brought a dowry to 
her husband, which in case of divorce had to be repaid to 
her father. On the whole, nowhere is the limitation of 
the Greek ideal of Hfe more distinctly manifest than in 
the position of woman and the contribution of the family 
to society. The Greeks thought of marriage chiefly as a 
means of raising up citizens for the state; an interesting 
illustration of this idea is seen in the law introduced in 
Pericles's time, that only he could be accepted as a citizen 
whose father and mother were Athenians by blood. Nat- 
urally, girls were not as desirable as boys, and little atten- 
tion was paid to them beyond keeping them indoors. The 
boy, however, was very carefully reared. Grammar, 
music and gymnastics were the three parts of his educa- 
tion. By the first was meant the learning of his own lan- 
guage and the study of Homer and the other early poets, 
not merely as a means of training in forms of speech, but 
as sources of knowledge about life, duty and religion. In 
music, he was taught how to sing, and to play on musical 
instruments. Gymnastics included running and wrest- 
ling, practice in the use of weapons, riding and other 



Daily Life of an Athenian 147 

similar exercises for the finest bodily development and 
skill in arms. 

i8o. Greek society then was chiefly a society of men The House, 
whose main interests lay in public Hfe. The house, for 
example, was ordinarily small and unattractive. It faced 
directly on the street, often with no opening except the 
door which swung outward, a fact suggestive of the prefer- 
ence of the Greek for the open air. The women's apart- 
ments were separate and secluded. Indeed, the house 
served the Greek chiefly for sleeping purposes, the storing 
of his goods and the keeping of his household. From it Daily Life, 
he sallied out very early in the morning, after a taste of 
wine and bread, to meet his friends, or engage in public 
business in the assembly or elsewhere. Toward the mid- 
dle of the day he took breakfast or lounged about and 
gossiped in the public walks or porticoes. The gymna- 
sium occupied him in the afternoon as a place of exercise 
or of intercourse with friends, whence he returned home 
for dinner, the chief meal of the day. If a poor man, he 
went early to bed; if well-to-do and socially inclined, he 
spent the evening at a banquet with his friends. 

i8i. The Athens of Pericles offered the finest type of High Plane 
this manner of life to be found in the fifth century. The ""^ ^'^''''^^ 
pursuit of wealth was subordinated to the joy of making 
the most of life among one's fellows and m public activity. 
The "glorification of cultivated human intercourse" was 
the ideal toward which men strove. The pinch of want 
was removed by the stipend sufficient for simple living 
which the state paid its poorest citizen for his work in its 
service. Orphans and cripples were cared for at public 
expense. Public lands, obtained as the outcome of war, 
were assigned to citizens who were willing to go and live 



148 The First Attempts at Emjnre 



Public 
Bmldings. 



The 

Athenian 

Temples. 



The Par- 
thenon. 



upon them. Two features of this life which had an es- 
pecially important bearing on the material welfare of the 
citizen and his higher culture deserve special mention: 
the public buildings and the religious festivals. 

182. In Greece, as in ancient Babylonia (§34), the chief 
buildings of every city were its temples. They were the 
centres of public life, of business as well as of religion. 
They were the places of deposit for money or treasure of 
any sort. Although, in the Greek states, the growth of 
popular government and the emphasis on the independence 
of the individual had made the political predominance of 
the priest impossible and his influence on public affairs 
unimportant, yet religion continued to be glorified by 
stately and beautiful temples, adorned with the highest 
artistic skill. The Athenian temples had perished in the 
successive onslaughts of the Persians, and it was a duty 
as well as a pious delight on the part of the citizens to re- 
store them. Cimon had begun the work on a noble scale, 
but Pericles continued the task and carried it through in a 
fashion that has immortalized his own name as well as that 
of Athens. An artist of the highest genius was at his hand 
in the person of Phidias, who was assisted by other men 
of uncommon ability. The principal scene of this archi- 
tectural and artistic display was the Acropolis (§ 133); 
and the building in which it reached its height was the 
temple of Athene the Virgin (Parthe^tos), hence called 
the Parthenon. Unlike the famous structures of the 
Ancient East, it was not the immense size of the Par- 
thenon, but its Dcautiful proportions, exquisite adorn- 
ment and ideal sculptures that made it memorable. It 
was one hundred feet wide, two hundred and twenty-six 
feet long and sixty-five feet high, built of marble and 



PLATE Vlll 




THE HERMES OF PRAXITELES 



Art and Literature at Athens 149 

painted in harmonious colors. A row of forty-six Doric 
columns surrounded it, and every available space above 
the columns, within and without, was carved in relief with 
scenes representing glorious events in the religious history 
of Athens. A wonderfully sculptured frieze, extending 
for more than five hundred feet around the inner temple, 
depicted, with a variety and energy never surpassed, 
scenes in the Panathenaea, the festival in honor of the 
patron goddess, Athene. In the temple stood a statue 
of the deity, the masterpiece of Phidias, made of ivory 
and gold, thirty-eight feet in height including the pedes- 
tal. Though the statue has long since disappeared and 
the temple itself is but a ruin, the remains of it illustrate 
supremely the chief features of Greek architecture — 
"simplicity, harmony, refinement," the union of strength 
and beauty. 

183. Nowhere in the Greek world were the religious The Re- 
festivals celebrated with so great splendor and beauty as pestrvaisof 
in the Athens of Pericles. In addition to the Dionysiac Athens, 
festivals already mentioned (§ 138), a new one had been 
established some time before, the Greater Dionysia, cele- 
brated in March. The contests in tragedy and comedy 
had been transferred to it. Here, before the Athenian The Piays. 
public, some of the most glorious productions of human 
genius were produced. Here i?^schylus (§ 157) had 
taught his tremendous lessons of righteousness and hu- 
mility. He was succeeded by Sophocles (about 496- sophocies. 
406 B.C.), who won the prize over his older competitor 
in 468 B.C., and gained it many times thereafter. He 
represents the high, free and glad spirit of the Athens of 
his day. His most famous play is the Antigone, in which 
is brought out the victory of duty over the fear of death. 



150 The First Attempts at Empire 



The 

Eleusinian 

Mysteries. 



The 

Panathe- 

nsea. 



of the higher law of God over the visible law of man. An- 
tigone buries the body of her brother, though the king 
has forbidden it under pain of death. The serene soul 
of the poet is marvellously shown in the beauty and dignity 
of his style. He sang of men as they ought to be, reveal- 
ing and idealizing human character, which at its best is, 
in his inspired vision, harmonious with the blessed will of 
God. So he interpreted the supreme ideal of the age of 
Pericles and lived it himself. ''He died well, having suf- 
fered no evil." A later poet, imagining him in the other 
world, described him as "gentle" there, "even as he was 
gentle among us." 

184. Another famous festival was that of the Mysteries 
(§ 124) of Eleusis. Eleusis lay twelve miles away from 
Athens, and every year in August multitudes gathered 
in the capital to make in solemn procession the journey 
to the Eleusinian temple to be initiated into the mys- 
teries or to renew the celebration of them. A day of 
purification by washing in the sea preceded the moving 
of the procession, which passed along the sacred way to 
the splendid temple at Eleusis, rebuilt by Ictinus under 
Pericles's direction. Here those secret acts of worship 
and devotion to the goddess Demeter were performed, 
which exercised so deep, wholesome and hopeful an in- 
fluence upon Greek life. Yet by far the most splendid 
of all festivals was the Panathenaea, celebrated with 
peculiar magnificence every fifth year, a festival which 
glorified at the same time the goddess Athene, and the 
city of her joy and glory. For nearly a week contests 
in music, song and recitation, in gymnastics, races and 
warlike sports, were held, and all was concluded with a 
solemn procession to the temple of Athene on the Acrop- 



Herodotus 151 

olis, where a costly robe woven by the maidens of the 
city was given to the goddess. That procession, made up 
of the flower of the Athenian citizens, of resident aUens 
and colonists, was depicted on the frieze of the Parthenon 
(§ 182) and formed the finest picture of Athens in the days 
of its highest splendor. 

185. At a Panathenaean festival in the days of Pericles, Herodotus 
Herodotus is said to have recited his History^ the first 
prose work of genius that Greece produced. Herodotus 
(about 484-425 B.C.) was a native of Halicarnassus in 
Ionia, but after the days of his youth found a second 
home at Athens. He travelled, with eyes and ears wide 
open, all over the world, from the capitals of Persia to 
Italy, and from the Black sea to the southern border of 
Egypt. The results of his investigations he gathered into 
a work which finds its motive in the Persian wars. As 
he portrays successively before us the rise of Persia, the 
conquest of Babylon and Egypt, the past history of these 
peoples, the Scythian expedition, he leads up to the 
great, the supreme struggle between this mighty, world- 
conquering Empire and the petty Greek states. Then 
he describes the wars in detail. The whole is a prose 
poem, pointing the moral of ^schylus (§ 157). Scat- 
tered through this broad field are innumerable anecdotes, 
traditions, legends, which enliven while they do not break 
the single impression. Devoted to Athens, he glorified 
the part taken by the city in the war; he loved her in- 
stitutions and enjoyed her society. His work shares in 
the artistic, keen and genial spirit characteristic of her 
best days, and while descriptive and not critical, its orig- 
inality and charm have given it a permanent place in 
literature. 



152 The First Attempts at Empire 



The Educa- 
tion of the 
Athenian 
Citizen. 



i86. We are ready to understand now how Athens 
rcahzed the ideal of ''the glorification of cultivated human 
intercourse" (§ i8i), the elevation of a body of men 
possessed of social and political equality to a common 
height of intelligence and general culture never reached 
before that day, or probably since. All beheld daily these 
marvels of architecture and art, and many took part in 
their erection. All joined in these splendid festivals, 
witnessed or contended in the athletic, musical and lit- 
erary contests. By state payment to the poorer citizens 
of the price of admission to the theatre, all were able to 
see and hear the plays of iEschylus or Sophocles. It 
must be remembered that these theatrical exhibitions 
were also contests between rival authors, in which the 
people themselves were judges. Thus a standard of 
taste and appreciation was set at a very high mark. The 
participation in public life, the decisions on points of state 
policy which lay in the hands of the citizens, were all 
means of training. The popular law-courts cultivated 
the judicial faculty. The administration of the affairs 
of the state awakened and trained executive ability. Thus 
the higher powers of the great body of citizens were edu- 
cated to an extraordinary degree; the experience made 
the Athenians the most splendidly intelligent of all Greeks. 
Such an atmosphere of breadth and freedom, that en- 
couraged higher thought, invited to Athens from all over 
the Greek world men who were eager to know and to 
Athens the tcach. As a conscqucncc the best that was thought and 
said and done in art and politics and literature was found 
at Athens. Therefore, it was no vain boast of Pericles, 
but sober truth, when he said, "Athens is the school of 
Greece, and the individual Athenian in his own person 



Teacher of 
Greece. 



Politics in the Age of Pericles 153 

seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most 
varied forms of action with the utmost versatiUty and 
grace." 

187. But whence came the money to meet the expenses Sources of 
of this highly and richly organized system of government ? Revenue" 
Athens had various sources of revenue: rent from state 

lands, including especially the gold and silver mines, tolls 
for markets, and harbor dues, the tax on resident for- 
eigners, the fees from the theatres, the receipts from the 
law-courts in fees, confiscations, etc., and in case of great 
necessity, a direct assessment upon the people of property. 
The costs of the splendid exhibitions at festivals were borne 
by the free-will offerings of rich citizens, and many offices 
were without salary. The entire income from all sources 
was about 1,000 talents yearly. Besides this, the receipts 
from the allied cities of the league amounted at this time 
to about 600 talents. Athene also possessed a great sum 
of money in her temple from gifts of the pious, her share 
of the booty in war, etc., and she was called upon to con- 
tribute her share to the upbuilding of the state, as well 
as to lend money when required. From all these sources 
Pericles drew the money needful for the various depart- 
ments of the administration and for the public buildings 
with which the city was adorned. 

188. From this sketch of the inner life (§§ 173-187) we (b) Greek 
pass to the foreign relations of Athens under the leader- in^th^lge 
ship of Pericles during the same period (461-431 B.C.). ofPericies. 
The fall of Cimon (§ 167) was accompanied not only by 

the victory of democracy at home, but also by a forward 
policy abroad, the chief aim of which was to extend Athe- 
nian power on all sides and to oppose Spartan leadership. 
Alliance was made with Argos and Thessaly; Megara 



154 The First Attempts at Empire 

Growth of was drawn away from the Peloponnesian League. A 
Land"'^" naval station was secured on the Corinthian gulf at 
Power. Naupactus. These movements threatened the commerce 



MAP OP 

MTDDLiE GKEECE 




Wars. of ^gma and Corinth, who began war in 459 B.C. Cor- 
inth was beaten; ^Egina was subjected and compelled 
to enter the Dehan League. Then Sparta took a hand 
in the war, by entering Boeotia with an army, on the pre- 
tence of punishing the Phocians, but really to organize 



Peace with Persia 155 

Boeotia against Athens. Though the Spartans defeated 

the Athenians at Tanagra in 457 B.C., they accomphshed 

nothing. Boeotia went over to Athens the next year. 

Soon after, the Achaean cities on the southern coast of 

the Corinthian gulf joined her. Thus Athenian influence 

on land extended over a wide territory. But it was also 

very unstable. A truce for five years was made with Failure of 

Sparta in 450 B.C., but Argos, Megara, Boeotia and Eu- Athenian 

boea fell away; and so, in the end, though Euboea was ^and 

recovered, the vigorous and costly attempt of Athens to 

build up a great land power in Greece signally failed. It 

was never renewed. Finally, in 445 B.C., between Athens 

and Sparta and their respective allies a peace was made Peace. 

that was to last thirty years. 

189. Meanwhile, Athens had been carrying on the war The war 
with Persia (§§ 160, 161). Though no Persian ships ap- pg^gj^ 
peared in the ^gean, the Athenians determined to crip- 
ple the power of the Great King still further by aiding a 
rebellion against him in Egypt. In 459 B.C. they sent a 
strong fleet to the Nile, Though at first successful, the 
rebellion was finally crushed and the Athenian force de- 
stroyed (454 B.C.). This serious blow brought hostilities 
to an end until 449 B.C., when Cimon, who had been re- 
called from exile, was sent with a fleet to Cyprus, where the 
Persians were attacking the Greek cities. He died while Death of 
on the expedition, but the fleet gained a brifliant victory *™°°" 
by which Persia was again driven from the sea. These 
conflicts had cost Athens dear in men and money without 
corresponding results, so that just as she had come to 
an agreement with her enemies in Greece, it seemed 
wise to make peace with Persia. Negotiations were 
entered upon by sending Callias to Susa, and though 



156 The First Attempts at Empire 



The Peace 
of Callias. 



The 

Athenian 

Empire. 



Organiza- 
tion. 



the Great King would not formally agree to yield his 
claim upon cities that had rebelled against him, yet prac- 
tically he consented, henceforth, not to molest Greek 
cities or Greek ships. This so-called peace is known as 
the Peace of CaUias (448 B.C.). 

190. Thus Athens in 445 B.C. was at peace with all the 
world. She had learned the folly of attempting to con- 
trol all Greece, and now set about recovering her strength 
and developing her legitimate field, that of commerce and 
control of the seas. The decisive steps were taken which 
turned the Delian League into the Athenian Empire. 
About 454 B.C., after the Athenian disaster in Egypt, the 
treasury of the League had been removed for greater 
security from Delos to Athens. And now, although all 
fear of Persia was removed by the Peace of Callias, the 
imperial city continued to require the yearly contribu- 
tions from the allies and dealt with the money according 
to her own will. The decision to treat the allies in this 
way was not reached without a struggle between the par- 
ties at Athens. The opponents of Pericles were led by 
Thucydides, son of Melesias, the ostracism of whom in 
443 B.C. settled the matter. Samos, Chios and Lesbos 
alone remained on the old footing of furnishing ships to 
the fleet. All the others were subject and paid tribute. 
Athens collected the tolls in their harbors, interfered in 
their local affairs in the interests of democracy, had gar- 
risons in many of their cities, sent out inspectors among 
them, required many to destroy their walls. Colonies 
of Athenian citizens, called cleruchi, were sent out to 
occupy lands which had fallen into the hands of the Athe- 
nian state, and thus constituted a body of faithful friends 
in the midst of restless subjects. The entire body of 



The Athenian Empire 157 

cities thus dependent on Athens was divided for adminis- 
trative and financial purposes into five districts: Ionia, 
Caria, the Hellespont, Thrace, the Islands. Thus a 
stately imperial system arose with its centre in democratic 
Athens. The chief reason for censuring Athens because Athens's 
of this transformation of the old Delian League is that Mistake, 
she took no steps to attach her subjects to herself other- 
wise than by fear. No doubt she gave them protection, 
better government and higher culture, but she had robbed 
them of their independence without granting them citi- 
zenship in the new community or a voice in the state. 
This blind selfishness and unblushing arrogance of power 
brought its fitting punishment before the century was over. 

191. Far beyond the bounds of the Empire Pericles wide Ex- 
sought to extend the commercial influence and activity J^^henLn 
of Athens. The Persian peace opened the ports of the influence, 
eastern Mediterranean, and Phoenician traders with the 
wares of the Orient again appeared in Greek waters. 
Many of the distant Greek cities of the Black sea ac- 
knowledged Athenian authority. The commercial im- 
portance of the Imperial City grew continually in the West 
and opportunity was found to establish political relations 
there. In 443 B.C., under the leadership of Athens, the 
city of Thurii was founded in southeastern Italy. On 
its west coast Athenian merchants began to gather the 
trade into their own hands. The leading people of that 
region, the Etruscans, bought Attic vases and sold their 
curious metal-work in the Athenian market. Rome, a 
city on the river Tiber, which held a dominating place in 
its own district of Latium, was already preparing for 
the mighty part it was to play in the centuries to come. 
In 454 B.C., it is said, the Romans sent an embassy to 



Embassy 

from 

Rome. 



158 The First Attempts at Empire 

Greece to study its systems of law. They came to Athens 
and thence transplanted parts of the legislation of Solon 
into Roman soil. It was a thrilling moment in history — 
the first direct and definite contribution made by Greek 
life to that people which was destined ultimately to rule 
a wider world than the Greeks ever imagined 1 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 



XL THE GREEK EMPIRES 



1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire. 

(a) The Persian Wars. (ft) The Rise of the Athenian Empire, 
(c) The Age of Pericles: (i) The inner Hfe of Greece as reflected in 
Athens (growth of city life, industry and trade, increase of wealth, 
money, Greek attitude toward business, foreigners in trade, slaves, 
the family, woman, education of children, the house, daily life, 
refined living — the temple and religious festivals, tragedy, Sophocles, 
Eleusinian mysteries, Panathensea, Herodotus — Athenian life as an 
education, Athens a university, sources of revenue). (2) Politics 
of the age (Athenian land power, its rise and fall, the Persian war 
again, peace of Callias, Athens an empire, its organization, its 
weakness, wide influence of Athens.) 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following signifi- 
cant: Tanagra, Corcyra, Eleusis, Piraeus, Halicarnassus? 2. 
What is meant by Cleruchi, talent, Acropolis, Dionysia, Pan- 
athenaea, Antigone? 3. What are the dates of the age of Peri- 
cles, of the Peace of Callias, of the Thirty Years' Peace? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Athenian democracy 
in the time of Cleisthenes with that in the age of Pericles. 2. 
Compare the Law-Courts of Athens with those of your own 
city. 3. Compare the Athenian Empire with the Persian 

(§§ 83-90). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Life at 

Athens in the Age of Pericles. Zimmern, pp. 224-235; Bury, 
pp. 337-338; Morey, pp. 251-261. 2. The Rise and Fall of the 



Athens^ Corinth and Corcyra 159 

Athenian Land Power. Bury, pp. 352-363; Zimmern, pp. 219- 
224; Botsford, pp. 164-169. 3. Imperial Athens. Bury, pp 
278-284, 363-367; Shuckburgh, pp. 213-217; Botsford, pp. 
169-172. 4. The Acropolis. Bury, pp. 367-375; Shuckburgh, 
pp. 201-204; Morey, pp. 232-239; Botsford, pp. 179-185. 5. 
Herodotus. Capps, ch. 12; Murray, ch. 6; Jebb, pp. 103-106. 
6. The Mysteries. Bury, pp. 311-316; Ency. Brit., art. "Myste- 
ries"; Dyer, The Gods in Greece, ch. 5; Diehl, Excursions in 
Greece, ch. 8. 7. Sophocles. Morey, pp. 245-247; Capps, ch, 9; 
Murray, ch. 11; Jebb, pp. 83-88. 8. Pericles. Plutarch, Life 
of Pericles. 



192. Another movement of Athens in the interest of 
her commercial and poHtical position in the West was the 
occasion of a serious rupture in the peaceful relations that 
had been maintained for ten years between Athens and 
Sparta. In 436 B.C. a quarrel arose between Corinth The War of 



Corinth 
and 



and Corcyra. The latter state, although it possessed a 
fleet of more than fifty ships, could not hope to equal the Corcyra. 
resources of Corinth in a serious conflict. Hence it sought 
an aUiance with Athens. This proposal put the Athenians 
in a difficult position. Should they reject it, Corcyra 
would make terms with Corinth, her naval force and 
commercial influence in the West would be thrown against 
Athens and seriously endanger Athenian naval supremacy. 
Should they accept it, their superiority on the sea would 
be irresistible, their commercial position in the West 
strengthened, and Corinth, their only commercial rival 
in the Peloponnesian League, put out of the race. But, 
on the other hand, they would risk war with the League. 
It was finally decided to agree to a defensive alliance with 
Corcyra, whereby Athens was not required to join in an 
attack on the Corinthians. As might have been expected, 
this half-way measure roused the enmity of Corinth, whose 



160 The First Attempts at Empire 

The Inter- future HOW depended on the weakening of Athens. Her 
Athene. ° ^^^7 ^^P^ ^^^ this was in stirring up the Peloponnesian 
League to war. This was not difficult to do. The Spar- 
tans had long been jealous of the growing power of Athens. 
The years of peace had been irksome to this vigorous and 
warlike people. Athens, on the other hand, under the 
influence of Pericles, would not yield. He felt certain 
that war could be put off only a few years at the most and 
that Athens was never in a better condition to defend her- 
self against her jealous and ambitious enemies. He was 
Gives Occa- willing to arbitrate the whole matter, but not to compro- 
waVwUh J^ise. At last, at a council of the Peloponnesian League 
the Peiop- held at Sparta in 432 B.C., it was voted that Athens had 

onnesian . . . i i . 

League. broken the peace. This was equivalent to a declaration 
of war. Athens accepted it as such and the conflict began 
in 431 B.C. With this a new period in the history of the 
Greek states is begun and we may pause to look back 
over a finished era. 



GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 2; §§142-192 

500-431 B.C. 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. An Outline of the 
Events of these Periods arranged so as to bring out the chief 
historical movements and forces. 2. Illustrate the progress 
of Athenian Democracy by the successive policies of Miltiades, 
Aristides, Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles (§§ 143, 146, 155, 159, 
162, 165, 171). 3. Trace the growth of the Athenian Empire from 
500-431 B.C. 4. Justify the policy of Themistocles from the 
events that followed. 5. The various stages in the war with 
Persia (§§ 143, 145, 147, 154, 160, 165, 189). 6. A comparison 
of i^schylus with Sophocles to illustrate the difference in 
the periods to which they respectively belong (§§ 157, 183). 
7. A List of the most important Dates in these periods. 



The Peloponnesian War 161 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Make an outline map 
of the Athenian Empire in 460 b.c, inserting all the places 
mentioned in the text. 2. Make a map and plan of Pylos and 
discuss the battle on the basis of your drawing. 3. Study the 
heads of Sophocles and Pericles in Plate XI and compare with 
those of Hammurabi and Ramses II in Plate II. Indicate the 
artistic and historical resemblances and differences. 4. Com- 
pare the Greek Temples in Plate XII with those in Plate IV. 
Observe the differences in form and arrangement. How do 
these differences throw light on the different characteristics of 
the Oriental and Greek peoples? 

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Privileges and 
Duties of an Athenian Citizen in the Age of Pericles. Fowler, 
The City State, ch. 6. 2. A Visit to the Acropolis of Athens — 
a description of Plate VII. See references above § 191; Diehl, 
Excursions in Greece, ch. 4. 3. Herodotus, the Man and His 
Book (see the references above § 191). 4. The Story of a Day in 
Athens in the Age of Pericles. Mahaffy, Old Greek Life; Grant, 
Greece in the Age of Pericles. 5. The Greek Theatre— the 
Building and the Play. 6. Styles of Greek Architecture. Tar- 
bell, ch. 3. 7. The Architecture of Greek Buildings as Com- 
pared with that of Buildings in your own City. 8. The Story 
of Sophocles's "Antigone." Translation by Palmer. 

193. The war, called the Peloponnesian War, which (4) the 
now ensued and with intervals of peace lasted for more 
than a quarter of a century (431-404 B.C.), was one of the war 
most melancholy wars of history. In one sense it was ut- 
terly unjustifiable and unnecessary. Athens and Sparta unjusti 
might have gone on peacefully, each in her separate way — 
the one a strong land power, the other the mistress of the 
seas. Both had every reason to avoid a conflict which 
was sure to be long and costly and the outcome of which 
was quite uncertain. The grounds on which war was 
declared were not sufficient to justify the declaration. 
Passion and prejudice forced the decisive step. But, YetUn- 
from another point of view, the war was unavoidable 



PELOPON- 
NESIAN 



fiable, 



avoidable. 



The 

Struggle of 
Two 
Principles. 



Comparison 
of the Com- 
batants. 



The Plan 
of the 
Pelopon- 
nesians. 



The Plan 
of Pericles. 



162 The First Attempts at Empire 

Beneath all reasons on the surface of the situation, the 
deeper cause was the imperial ideal of Athens. In build- 
ing up her Empire, Athens had come into conflict with 
the long-established idea that every Greek state had, as 
its deepest right, the right to political independence. The 
Spartans, in opening the war, declared that they waged 
it on behalf of Greek freedom against the tyrant. The 
majority of the states naturally sympathized with this 
spirit. We are to see in the Peloponnesian War, there- 
fore, the conflict of two mighty forces — the one, the 
purely Greek idea of the separate and independent exist- 
ence of city-states; the other, the world-ideal of empire, 
which had its rise in the dawn of human history (§ 91). 
These two forces could not long exist together; sooner or 
later they must grapple one with the other in a Ufe and 
death struggle. 

194. The situation of the combatants was peculiar. 
Neither could be attacked in its strongest point. Athens's 
supremacy by sea was safe from its enemies, unless they 
had money to build ships and hire sailors, and money was 
scarce in the Peloponnesus. The Peloponnesians were 
strong on land, and Athens had no infantry that could 
stand against them. For the Peloponnesians there was but 
one thing to do — invade Athenian territory. But Athens 
itself was too strongly fortified to be taken, and it could 
not be starved into surrender so long as supplies could be 
brought in by sea. The fields could be laid waste by the 
invaders, but that was all. For the Athenians the plan 
of campaign, required by the situation and outlined by 
Pericles, was chiefly a defensive one. The country people, 
on the approach of the enemy, should leave their farms, 
cheerfully accept the spoiling of their goods, and dwell 



The First Period of the War 163 

in the city during the month or more of the invasion. 
The Peloponnesians would then be forced to return home 
by lack of supplies and the necessity of tilling their fields, 
whereupon the Attic farms could be reoccupied by their 
owners and the damages repaired. Resistance to the 
enemy by land battles would be avoided, but the Athenian 
fleet would sally out to strike at exposed points on the 
enemy's coast and to ruin the commerce of cities like 
Corinth and Megara. The commerce of Athens, on the 
contrary, would remain undisturbed by the conflict. 
Hence, the war would resolve itself into a question of en- its Advan- 
durance, and Pericles was confident that Athens, sup- ***^** 
ported and enriched by its enlarging trade, would at last 
emerge triumphant. The resources of the Peloponnesians 
would be exhausted in striking fruitless blows, and before 
long they would cease the unprofitable conflict. 

195. This plan of Pericles was followed, in the main, The First 
during the first ten years of the war (431-421 B.C.), and ^^w^^ 
these were the years of Athenian success. All Attica 
gathered behind the walls of Athens during the spring 
months of each year, when the Peloponnesians were abroad 
in the land. Even a fearful visitation of the plague, piagueat 
which carried away nearly a third of the citizens in the '^*^*°^- 
second and third years (430-429 B.C.), shook their resolu- 
tion for but a moment. - The worst blow was the death Death of 
of Pericles, who fell a victim to the epidemic in 429 B.C. ^*"^^^^- 
With the removal of his wise counsel and powerful person- 
ality it was difficult for the democracy to keep to any 
fixed policy. Two parties sprang up. One party, headed The Parties 
by Nicias, a wealthy contractor and capitalist, who in 
disposition was cautious, moderate, grave and pious, a wicias. 
fair general and a serious politician, was inclined to bring 



164 The First Attempts at Empire 



Cleoa 



The Pylos 
Affair. 



the war to a close as soon as it could be done without dis- 
honor to the state. The other party was led by Cleon, a 
rich manufacturer. He was in favor of prosecuting the 
war much more vigorously than the defensive policy of 
Pericles would have permitted. By his persuasive speech 
he obtained the leadership of the radical democrats. The 
mass of the citizens inclined first to one side and then to 
the other, with the result that Athens now embarked in 
rash and sometimes unfortunate enterprises, now did 
little more than stand on the defensive. 

196. The high-water mark of Athenian success in the 
ten years' war was reached in 425 B.C. In the spring of 

that year a fleet 
was sent out to the 
west. On their way 
the ships put in at 
the bay of Pylos, 
on the west of the 
Peloponnesus in 
Messenia. Here 
Demosthenes, 
Athens's most 
brilliant general, 
was landed with 
a small force and 
fortified the prom- 
ontory of Pylos. 
On hearing of this 
the Peloponnesian 
army, already in 
Attica engaged in its yearly devastation of the land, has- 
tily returned. A Spartan force, supported by a fleet, at- 




Cleon and Brasidas 165 

tacked the Athenians, who defended themselves vaHantly. 
A body of Spartan hophtes took possession of the long 
narrow island of Sphacteria, which, from the point of 
Pylos, stretched away toward the south and formed the 
outer side of the harbor. Suddenly the Athenian fleet 
reappeared, and drove the Spartan fleet upon the shore, 
thus cutting off the four hundred and twenty Spartan 
hopHtes on the island from their fellows on the main- 
land. These men made up no small part of the citizen 
body of Sparta, and the Spartan authorities made every 
effort to save them, even sending ambassadors to Athens 
to ask terms of peace. Thus the Athenians had the 
opportunity to end the war with a brilliant triumph, but 
under the persuasions of Cleon the ambassadors were 
denied a fair hearing, and the war went on. On the cieon's 
promise of Cleon that he would bring the Spartan hoplites poUcy. 
prisoners to Athens in twenty days, he was given troops 
and sent as general to Pylos. He was himself no skilful 
soldier, but he took with him reinforcements with which 
Demosthenes was able to force the Spartans to surrender 
within the specified time. This success lifted Cleon into 
the highest favor with the people, and his policy of bold, 
aggressive warfare was approved. It was a fatal step. 
The favorable moment for making peace had been allowed 
to slip and was never to present itself again. 

197. The Peloponnesians had done little more, year by 
year, than make invasions into Attica or ward off as best 
they might the advances of Athens upon the mainland. 
But hardly a year after the affair of Pylos, they scored a 
success which largely made up for that disaster. This Brasidas 
they owed to the Spartan general Brasidas, the ablest p°^^ ** 
officer that had yet appeared on their side. Without a 



166 The First Attempts at Empire 

fleet the Peloponnesians could make an attack on the Athe- 
nian Empire outside of Attica at only one point. The 
genius of Brasidas perceived and struck at that one point — 
the Athenian possessions in Macedonia and Thrace. Hur- 
rying north with a small force, he appeared before the 
city of Acanthus, and, with the plea that he had come 
to secure freedom from the Athenian tyrant, he induced 
the city to rebel. The Athenians were taken unprepared, 
and before they could collect themselves the important 
Death of city of AmphipoHs had fallen. In 422 B.C. Cleon sailed 
cieon and ^^ ^^^ Rorth to rccovcr these cities. In a skirmish at the 

Brasidas. 

gates of Amphipolis, both he and Brasidas were slain. 

198. With Cleon out of the way, there was opportunity 
Peace. at Athens for the lovers of peace to carry through their 

programme. Accordingly, in 421 B.C., a treaty was signed 
for a fifty years' peace between Sparta and Athens. The 

Result of war had closed with the advantage entirely on the side 
of Athens. The fundamental article of the treaty was 
that both powers should give back what they had con- 
quered from each other during the war. This meant for 
the Spartans the loss of the cities in the north and for the 
Athenians the setting free of the Spartans taken at Pylos. 

Athens in But the Athenian Empire remained practically undimin- 
ished, and Corinth's sea power and commerce had been 
shattered, while Athens had enlarged and strengthened 
her possessions. On the other hand, the purpose of the 
Peloponnesian League to destroy the Athenian Empire 
had utterly failed and the members of the League were 
themselves at odds one with another. Athens was mis- 
tress of the situation. 

199. We must pause here to note some changes in 
Athenian life, which had their root in the time of Pericles, 



the Ten 
Years 



the As 

cendant, 



New Aspects of Athenian Character 167 

but bore fruit during the years of war. We have seen changes in 
(§§ 1 67-1 71) how democracy under Pericles was perfected. Tem^er^rnd 
The people ruled directly, and poHtics became the passion spirit, 
of the citizens. To guide the people successfully one 
must persuade them in public assembly; he who would 
win them to his way of thinking and acting must be able 
to argue better than his opponents. To be a good orator 
was indispensable for a politician. To meet this demand 
teachers sprang up who professed, among other things, 
to make one skilful in the art of persuasion. These were Rise of 
the Rhetoricians and the Sophists. They were immensely ridrns and 
popular at Athens. Men learned from them how to pre- sophists, 
sent arguments and to weigh them, to put ideas in a 
taking way in public speech, and to reply to opponents 
successfully. It was not so important that the cause 
urged was good or bad, or that the arguments presented 
in favor of it were right or wrong— they must be such 
that the people, hearing them, would think them sound 
and vote accordingly. As this skill grew, the people grew 
more critical also. The public assembly became a school The De- 
of debate, where sharp-witted politicians contended before pevw ^^d 
a keen and excited audience. Fine points were applauded its Effect, 
and dulness hissed. But the result of this was to put truth 
and justice below shrewdness in debate, to make adroit- 
ness and popular oratorical skill more important than 
character and honor in a political leader. The Athenians 
fell into this fatal error. 

200. This condition of things is illustrated in the Com- comedy as 
edy of the times. Comedy, Hke Tragedy (§ 138), arose in J"„ ofthT 
connection with the religious festivals and dealt famiharly Times, 
with the scenes and events of common life. In Athens, 
where the main interest was politics, it found its con- 



168 The First Attempts at Empire 



Aristoph- 
anes. 



genial subjects in the political leaders, who were held up 
to unmeasured ridicule amidst the unrestrained laughter 
of the audience. The greatest comic poet of the day was 
Aristophanes (about 450-385 B.C.). In his Knights he 
satirizes the Demos as an ill-natured old man, who is the 
prey of his villainous slave, the leather- worker (meaning 
Cleon, who was a tanner). The Clouds jests at the new 
learning of the time. The Wasps makes fun of the 
Athenian law-courts by a mock trial in which justice is 
parodied. The Birds pictures a bird-city 'Xloudcooc- 
kootown" where the bustle and excitement of Athens are 
kept out. The Frogs describes the adventures of Diony- 
sus, who goes to Hades (the underworld) to find a poet, 
and is in doubt whether to bring back ^Eschylus or the 
favorite dramatist of the time, Euripides. He finally de- 
cides for the former. All these and the other comedies of 
Aristophanes are, in spite of their coarseness and personal 
abuse, works of permanent power because of their rol- 
Hcking humor and vigor, interspersed with passages of 
wonderful lyric beauty. The strange thing is that the 
Athenians were willing to listen to such satires on their 
life and such caricatures of their statesmen, to laugh at 
their leaders one day and follow them the next. 

201. The culture of Athens, fed by architecture, paint- 
M^^Xand ^^g ^^^ sculpture, by the spectacles of the tragic and 
Religion. comic Stage, and stimulated by the stirring political activ- 
ity, could not fail to have its influence on religion and 
morals. It is true that most men were too busy about 
politics to trouble themselves as to whether their notions 
Philosophy about the gods would stand the test. But a few could 
Men^s " ^ot avoid questioning. Pericles gathered about him men 
Minds lii^e the philosopher Anaxagoras, who, following after 



Effect of 



Philosophy Undermines Religion 169 

the earlier thinkers (§ 122), thought of the world as formed 
not from a single source, but from several original elements, 
one of which is "mind," that puts all things together. 
He regarded the sun and moon as great balls of stone. 
The speed of the sun had turned it into a glowing mass. 
Another philosopher, Herachtus, did not beHeve that 
there was anything permanent in the world. "All things 
flow," he said, or "all things are burning." The only 
reality is the fact of change. Such ideas overturned the 
old faith. Those who held them tried to find solider 
ground to stand on than was supplied by the religion of 
the day and to clear men's minds from its superstitions. 
Pericles sympathized with this aim, but he did not carry 
the citizens along with him. The old religion was sacred 
to them and they feared and hated the philosophers who Andim- 
attacked it. Anaxagoras was banished from Athens in ***^^'^^''™' 
434 B.C. for his "impiety." In fact, these ideas did not 
make men better, because they shattered faith in religion, 
on which people depended, and put nothing in its place. 
Nor did the prevailing interest in politics help; it rather 
harmed. Men grew hard and grasping in their ambi- 
tions; their love of country made them selfish in her 
defence and for her glory. Someone has called attention Dark side 
to three dark spots upon this enlightened Athenian so- ^^^^ 
ciety: (i) The putting of slaves to torture before taking character, 
their testimony in a court of law; (2) the ruthless slaughter 
of prisoners taken in war, and the selling of captive women 
and children into slavery; (3) the want of respect for old 
age. We have already observed the position of woman 
(§ 179). In all this we must not judge too harshly, but 
rather remember that people do not go forward in all 
things at one time. In Athens the new learning was break- 



170 The First Attempts at Empire 



Character- 
istic 
Figures. 

Thucyd- 
ides. 



Compared 

with 

Herodotus. 



A Scientific 
Historian. 



Euripides. 



ing down the old customs before building up new ones. 
While the childish things of the old religion and morals 
were being put away, more reasonable ideas were slow 
in gaining ground. 

202. Four great men of this period illustrate the spirit- 
ual temper of Athens in its lighter and darker sides. 

203. Thucydides* (about 471-398 B.C.) was the 
Athenian general who, failing to keep Brasidas out of 
Amphipolis (§ 197), was banished from Athens and was in 
exile for twenty years. He improved this time in gather- 
ing materials for and writing a History oj the Pelopon- 
nesian War. He wrote during the latter years of Herod- 
otus (§ 185), but a whole world separates their Histories 
from one another. Herodotus describes; Thucydides 
gives the inner meaning. Herodotus tells a story because 
of his interest in it; Thucydides tells nothing but what he 
knows to be true. Herodotus enjoys his work and wants 
others to be entertained also; Thucydides writes for the 
instruction of men who take things seriously. In other 
words, Thucydides has no sentiment, imagination, or hu- 
mor; he is intensely keen and hard. He reveals what is 
base and selfish, true and heroic in his characters in a 
masterly fashion, but without praise or blame. Every- 
thing he handles is treated from the purely political point 
of view. You learn nothing directly of the religious, eco- 
nomic, or social life of his day. His style is strong, con- 
cise, sometimes obscure, often eloquent. The History 
reaches its height in the account of the expedition to Syra- 
cuse in the seventh Book. 

204. Euripides (about 480-406 B.C.) was the supreme 
tragic poet of the war-time. He had thought deeply upon 

* Not the same as the son of Melesias (§ 190). 



Euripides and Socrates 171 

all the problems raised by the new learning and used his 
wonderful imaginative power in presenting them through 
his tragedies. He was the poet of democracy, but of a 
glorified democracy which had a deep feeling for woman 
and the slave. Woman's heroism and devotion form 
the kernel of his Iphigenia^ and Alcestis. The tragedy 
of common life is seen in the Electra. He introduces 
the slave and the beggar to show that they, too, have hearts 
that can bleed. Toward the popular religion he stands in 
an attitude partly of abhorrence and partly of sympathy. 
His BacchcB is a powerful picture of the madness and 
sublimity of the worship of Dionysus (§ 124). Men were 
at once charmed by the magic and pathos of his poetry and 
repelled by the boldness and novelty of his thoughts. In all 
this he reveals himself as a son of his time — of the restless, 
passionate, practical, sensitive, brutal Athens of the war. 

205. One of the most picturesque personalities of the Socrates 
time was Socrates (about 469-399 B.C.). Of a burly, 
ungainly figure, with bulging eyes, flat nose and thick 
lips, he could be seen at all times on the streets, as he 
gathered about him a delighted group whom he engaged 
in conversation, drawing them on by simple questions to 
consider the deepest problems of life. He had taken the 
step which all Athens needed to take — from the enjoy- 
ment of material prosperity and the passion for politics to a Moral 
the search for right living. Athens had learned the good- pher!^°" 
ness of greatness; he would teach her the greatness of 
goodness. He found true knowledge in the study of his 
own heart and the testing of his own ideals. The old 
motto, ''Know thyself," was the text of all his preaching. 
In this work he felt himself commissioned from above; a 
divine spirit goaded him on and inspired him. By his 



172 The First Attempts at Empire 

sharp and searching talk he irritated the self-satisfied 
democracy, whose leaders hated to be made fools of by 
him. With unshrinking courage, he persisted in his 
thankless task and spared none of the notions held dear 
by Athens. "Politicians," he cried, **all flatterers, cooks, 
confectioners, tavern-keepers, whom have they made 
better? They have filled the city with harbors, docks, 
walls, tributes and such trash, instead of with temperance 
and righteousness." For his own time he was a prophet 
crying in the wilderness; one excitement the more for 
sensation-loving Athens. But his work, although under- 
taken too late for the salvation of his own generation, 
was destined to abide for all time. 
Aicibiades. 2o6. Among thosc who gathered about Socrates, pro- 
fessing discipleship, was the most brilliant young Athenian 
of the time, Aicibiades. All the vices and virtues of 
Unites the the Athens of the war were summed up in him ; he is the 
i!f\^th^°' exemplar at once of her glory and her shame. With him 
Poutics. we pass from the spiritual forces of the time to one of its 
most potent political leaders, and, therefore, take up again 
the thread of the history. A relative of Pericles, a true 
aristocrat, wealthy and handsome, Aicibiades was the 
hope of the friends of that great statesman and the true 
heir of his ideas. He took up the interests of the people, 
posing as a radical of the radicals. His education was the 
best the age could offer, and he shared in all the advanced 
opinions of his day. He was the idol of the people, yet 
respected nobody but himself; the teaching of Socrates 
accomplished little for him beyond confirming him in his 
egotism without leading him on to self-improvement 
On the death of Cleon (§ 197) he sprang into the vacant 
place as leader of the radical democracy. 



PLATE IX 




THE LAOCOON GROUP 



The Years of the Peace 173 

207. The long-desired peace with the Peloponnesian 
League (§ 198) was followed by a union between Sparta 
and Athens, from which the allies of Sparta were excluded, 
because they refused to accept the peace. Apart from 
the two powerful states now at one, they could do nothing. The Years 
Hence, a long period of rest and recovery from the waste p^^^^ ^*^^* 
and turmoil of war seemed at hand. But the prospect 
was not realized; the fifty years' peace was dead from its 
birth. Formally, it endured for six years, years in which 
there was constant turmoil and fighting somewhere in causes of 
Greece. The causes of this were threefold: (i) In 451 B.C. ^''°"^^*' 
Sparta and Argos had concluded a thirty years' peace, 
which now was just at an end. Argos, left alone during 
these years, had grown strong and was ready to enter the 
political field. The other Peloponnesian states, aban- 
doned by Sparta, entered into a league with the new power 
and prepared to turn against their old leader. (2) The 
Spartans failed to carry out the terms of the peace, as they 
did not give back to Athens the captured cities. This 
caused dissatisfaction at Athens. (3) The strife of par- 
ties at Athens was intensified by Alcibiades, who, as leader 
of the war party, sought to destroy the good understand- 
ing between Sparta and Athens established by the peace 
party. Alcibiades hoped, by renewing the war with Sparta, 
to place himself at the head of affairs, bring victory to Ath- 
ens and glory to himself. He induced the Athenians to ally 
themselves with the Argive League. Finally, Sparta came Mantinea. 
to a battle with the League at Mantinea, and defeated 
them (418 B.C.); the league was forthwith broken up. 
Yet, even now, Athens and Sparta did not begin to fight. 
Each was at heart not unwilling to keep the peace. Each 
was ready for a convenient opportunity for war. 



174 The First Attempts at Empire 



The 

Athenian 

Expedition 

against 

Syracuse. 



Condemna- 
tion and 
Flight of 
Alcibiades. 



Renewal of 
the War. 



208. The opportunity was offered by Athens. Her 
commercial activity in the West had long been hindered 
by the rivalry of Syracuse. Just at this time the rapid 
extension of her power induced some neighboring cities 
of Sicily to call on Athens for help. Alcibiades persuaded 
the people to send against Syracuse an expedition, which 
set sail in 415 B.C. It was the finest fleet Athens ever put 
upon the sea and taxed her resources heavily. It con- 
sisted of 134 triremes, 20,000 seamen, and an army of 
6,430 soldiers. The command was not intrusted to Alci- 
biades alone, but was divided between himself, Nicias 
and Lamachus. One morning just before the fleet sailed, 
the Athenians were startled to find that the sacred im- 
ages, called Hermae, which stood along the streets of the 
city, had been wantonly disfigured. The attempt was 
made to fasten the guilt for this outrage, and other similar 
sins against religion, upon Alcibiades and his friends, but 
a decision on the matter was postponed till he returned. 
However, he had hardly reached Sicily when he was 
ordered to come to Athens to stand trial. Fearing for his 
life, he escaped, and after a short time found a refuge at 
Sparta, where he sought every means to bring ruin upon 
his native city. 

209. At last, in 414 B.C., under the impulse of the war 
spirit, the Athenians took the bold step of making a descent 
upon Spartan soil. This decided the Spartans for war. 
They sent a small force to the aid of Syracuse under a 
valiant and able general named Gylippus and prepared 
again to invade Attica. 

210. Meanwhile the expedition against Syracuse was 
faring badly. Lamachus was dead and Nicias was left 
in sole command. He sent back to Athens for reinforce- 



The Syracusan Expedition 175 

ments. In spite of some unpleasant surprise at this news, 
Athens could not draw back, and her most brilliant general, 
Demosthenes, was sent out with 73 ships and an army of 
20,000 men gathered from all parts of the Athenian Em- 
pire. But his help was in vain. The honest but incompe- The Disas- 
tent Nicias had lost his opportunity to capture the city Syracuse 
and attempted a siege. The Syracusans gathered courage 
and strength with the coming of Gylippus. After a vain 
attempt to storm their works, Demosthenes urged a retreat, 
but Nicias delayed until it was too late. At the last the 
Athenian army was scattered, the two generals captured 
and put to death, the soldiers thrown into the stone- 
quarries, where many perished of hunger; the survivors 
were sold as slaves (413 B.C.). 

211. The Syracusan expedition was the crisis of Athens, its vital 
With its failure the Athenian Empire was doomed. The cam-e.' 
astonishing thing — and it exhibits the spirit and resources 

of the city most clearly — is that Athens fought the Pelo- 
ponnesians ten years longer before she fell. 

212. The Spartans, on the advice of Alcibiades, had Spartans 
occupied a permanent stronghold in Attica at Decelea, 
fifteen miles north of Athens, at the head of the valley of 

the Cephissus. Thereby the city was in a permanent 
state of siege; the income from the country was cut off; 
the slaves escaped to the enemy in great numbers, and all 
work suffered correspondingly. Nevertheless, Athens 
was still mistress of the sea, and the war was likely to run 
the same course as before, except that, in the weakened 
condition of both parties, the same indecisive result might 
be expected to arrive much sooner. 

213. What made the difference and ended the war with 
the complete overthrow of Athens was that Persia took a 



176 The First Attempts at Empire 



Appearance 
of Persia 
on the 
Scene. 



What it 
Meant. 



Two Peri- 
ods of 
Persian 
Activity. 



A New Sit- 
uation — 
Naval Bat- 
tles. 



hand in it. Artaxerxes I., the maker and lover of peace, 
was dead, and his son Darius II. was on the throne (424- 
405 B.C.). His satraps, Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, 
were directed to recover the Great King's possessions on 
the coast of Asia Minor. Persia had what the Greeks 
lacked — money. With money the Peloponnesians could 
build, equip and maintain a fleet, and meet Athens on the 
sea. This meant for Athens the cutting off of her com- 
merce, the diminishing of her resources, the revolt of her 
allies and, without Persian money, the downfall of her 
Empire. Thus it came about that Persia in the last years 
of the very century the beginning of which had seen her 
repulse and defeat, decided the fate of her victor. 

214. There were two periods of Persian interference 
in the war. First, the satraps, while inclining to Sparta 
and setting her up on the sea, also gave sufficient help to 
Athens to enable her to continue the struggle. The design 
was to weaken both sides until Persia could step in and 
overpower both. This period closed in 408 B.C., when 
Cyrus, the king's younger son, superseded Tissaphernes 
in command of the Asia Minor provinces and took defi- 
nitely the side of Sparta. That stand speedily brought 
about the fall of Athens. After all, therefore, it was 
Persia, and not Sparta, that destroyed the Athenian 
Empire. 

215. Another new feature of this period of the war was 
that the battles were now fought on the sea. Pelopon- 
nesian fleets, sustained by Persian money, appeared in 
the iEgean. The vital points of attack were (i) the cities 
of the Ionian coast and the islands, where were the strong- 
est subject cities of the Athenians, and (2) the regions 
of the Hellespont, the control of which would cut Athens 



The Fall of Athens 



177 



off from her chief food supply. The appearance of the 
Peloponnesians was *the signal for revolt from Athens. 
Chios and Rhodes were lost. The entire Ionian coast 
passed over into Persian hands. Samos, alone of all 
the great cities, remained faithful. The fiercest struggle 




was waged in the north. Success leaned now this way, 
now that. The Athenians won the battle of Cyzicus (410 
B.C.) and lost that of Notium (407 B.C.). With a great 
effort, they gathered another fleet and won the brilliant 
victory of Arginusae (406 B.C.), but their last fleet was The Decu 
annihilated at ^Egospotami (405 B.C.), and the Helles- 
pont was lost. This was followed by the surrender of 
Athens (404 B.C.), the entrance of the Peloponnesians Fail of 
and the puUing down of the long walls — a day of tri- 
umph for Sparta, heralded as " the beginning of freedom 
for Greece." 
216. The two chief actors during these years were the 



sive Stroke. 



Athens. 



178 The First Attempts at Empire 



Career of 
Alcibiades. 



Lysander, 
the Spartan 
Leader. 



Athens 
during this 
Period of 
the War. 



Faction. 



Athenian Alcibiades and Lysander the Spartan. Alci^ 
biades went from Sparta (§ 208) to the Ionian coast, 
where he became the confidant of Tissaphernes. But 
the desperate situation of the Athenians seemed to him to 
afford an opportunity to help them as well as glorify him- 
self, and we find him, by 411 B.C., back on the Athenian 
side. But even his brilliant genius could not save Athens. 
Shortly after the war was over, he was murdered by the 
Persians among whom he had taken refuge. Lysander 
was the Spartan Alcibiades, a brilliant, cruel, selfish politi- 
cian and general. His purpose was the same as that of his 
Athenian contemporary, to help his state with the idea of 
making himself the first man in it. As the friend of Cyrus, 
he wielded Persian influence in behalf of Sparta and won 
the final victory which brought Athens low. At the close 
of the war, he was the greatest man in Greece, and all 
his ambitions seemed about to be fulfilled. 

217. Nothing in history is more amazing and heart- 
rending than the spectacle of Athens during these ten 
years. It is amazing to see the democracy struggling 
on with stern determination against an inevitable fate, 
spending their last resources to equip a fleet, and on its 
destruction making yet another desperate effort to face 
their foes, and yielding only when the treasury was empty, 
the citizen body reduced to a fraction of its numbers, the 
subject cities lost, the food supply cut off, the people per- 
ishing from famine. The pitiful side of the situation was 
the breaking out of political conflicts among the citizens. 
Patriotism had degenerated into selfish politics, in which 
unprincipled leaders intrigued for place and power. In 
411 B.C. an attempt to substitute for the democracy the 
rule of four hundred leading citizens succeeded for a time. 



Causes of Athenian Ruin 179 

Secret political clubs flourished, their weapons slander 
and murder, their purpose the overthrow of the constitu- 
tion. No one could be trusted in the affairs of state. 
Self-interest was the rule of public conduct. 

218. In this decay of political integrity and patriotism Moral 
we find the fundamental cause of the fall of Athens. There ^f""' °' 

Athenian 

were, indeed, serious defects in the Athenian constitution, Ruin, 
the chief of which was the inequality of the burdens borne 
by citizens. The rich were called on for large contribu- 
tions for the support of the state (§ 187), while the poor, 
having equal rights, were paid for their service. The at- 
titude of Athens toward her subject cities was also a fun- 
damental weakness in her foreign policy (§ 164), so that 
in her dire extremity they deserted her. But none of 
these things, not Athenian democratic institutions, nor 
the superiority of Sparta, nor the money of Persia, brought 
her low. The want of uprightness and honesty in her 
leaders; the preferring of cleverness to character; the 
placing of self and party above country and duty — this 
was the dry-rot at the heart of Athens that finally brought 
the imperial structure to ruin. Far more instructive than its Lesson, 
any lessons from the Eastern Empires are the magnificent 
achievement and the pitiful collapse of the Athenian 
Empire. 

219. The terms on which Sparta received the sub- Terms of 
mission of Athens were these: the fortifications of the surrenVer. 
Piraeus and the long walls were to be pulled down; all 

the ships but twelve were to be given up; all exiles were to 
return; the supremacy of Sparta was to be acknowledged; 
the friends and foes of the Spartans were to be Athens's 
friends and foes, and war contributions of money and 
men were to be made when Sparta demanded them. 



gramme. 



180 The First Attempts at Empire 

The These conditions reveal the Spartan programme, (i) to 

Pro- secure for all Greek cities freedom from outside interfer- 

ence — for this purpose Athens was made powerless, (2) to 
establish Sparta's headship over all these cities in the spirit 
of the old Peloponnesian League (§ 132). 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire. 

(a) The Persian Wars. (6) The Rise of the Athenian Empire, 
(c) The Age of Pericles, {d) The Peloponnesian War — its occa- 
sion, Corinth, Corcyra and Athens — unjustifiable yet unavoidable 
— combatants and their plans compared — First period (plague, 
death of Pericles, the new leaders, the Pylos affair, Brasidas and 
the north, death of Brasidas and Cleon, peace, outcome) — Second 
period — Athenian temper and spirit (sophists, popular debates, 
comedy, unsettling of morals and religion, change of character, 
Thucydides, Euripides, Socrates, Alcibiades) — political events of 
the peace period (Argos, Mantinea, Syracusan expedition) — Third 
period (the Spartan plan, appearance of Persia, significance, iwo 
periods, naval battles, fall of Athens, Lysander and Alcibiades, 
cause of Athenian ruin, terms of surrender). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: 
Nicias, Demosthenes, Brasidas, Gylippus, Thucydides, Soc- 
rates, Euripides, Cyrus the Younger, Lamachus? 2. What 
events are connected with the following: Amphipolis, Mantinea, 
Decelea, yEgospotami? 3. What is meant by Sophist, Hermae, 
Demos, "all things flow*'? 4, What are the dates of the three 
periods of the war? of Pylos, Syracusan Expedition, i^gos- 
potami? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Themistocles (§§ 145, 
162, 166) and Alcibiades as political leaders. 2. Compare the 
Athenian method of declaring war, making peace and appoint- 
ing generals with our own. 



Sparta s Imperial Ambitions 181 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Peloponnesian War: Preliminaries and First Period. Bury, ch. 
lo; Zimmern, ch. 15; Shuckburgh, pp. 217-235; Botsford, pp. 
190-205. 2. The Second Period: the Sicilian Expedition, 
Bury, pp. 458-484; Zimmern, pp. 270-282; Shuckburgh, pp. 
238-248; Botsford, pp. 208-216. 3. The Third Period. Bury, 
pp. 484-506; Zimmern, ch. 17; Botsford, pp. 227-238; Shuck- 
burgh, pp. 248-259. 4. The New Thought at Athens. Botsford, 
pp. 217-227. 5. The Sophists. Bury, pp. 385-389. 6. Aris- 
tophanes. Jebb, pp. 96-100; Capps, ch. 11; Murray, pp. 280- 
293. 7. Thucydides. Jebb, pp. 106-109; Capps, pp. 317-330; 
Murray, ch. 8. 8. Euripides. Jebb, pp. 88-94; Capps, ch. 
10; Murray, ch. 12. 9. Socrates. Jebb, p. 125; Shuckburgh, 
pp. 264-266; Murray, pp. 170-177; Morey, pp. 290-291; Bury, 
pp. 576-581. 

220. Sparta's headship naturally carried with it the (5) other 
reappearance everywhere of that class of citizens and of ^t_ 
that form of government with which Sparta was in sym- tempts. 
pathy. The aristocracy took charge of affairs, destroyed 
democracy and established oligarchies in the place of the Renewal of 
democratic governments that characterized Athenian rule. '^^^*^ ^* 
The usual form of these oligarchies was the decarchy, or 

the rule of ten aristocratic citizens. A peculiar form was 
that at Athens, where thirty men reorganized the gov- 
ernment. 

221. But it was impossible to combine the two parts of Failure of 
the Spartan programme (§219). The events of the last fifty \^\^^^^ 
years made it difficult to force the Demos back into ob- 
scurity, and Sparta's aristocratic friends were compelled 

to depend on Spartan help to sustain them in office. More- 
over, Sparta had been infected by Athens with the im- 
perial fever; her great general, Lysander, openly worked 
to secure Spartan supremacy. Thus, in many cities the 
decarchy had by its side a Spartan harmost, or overseer, 
at the head of a body of troops, who represented the real 



The Thirty 
at Athens. 



Lysander's 

Imperial 

Policy. 



Affairs in 
Sicily. 



The Car- 
thaginian 
Problem. 



182 The First Atteinpts at Empire 

power of the state. Supported by this military authority, 
the aristocrats took bloody revenge everywhere for the 
wrongs of years, killing the democratic leaders and seizing 
their property, while the Spartan commander looked 
calmly on or aided the avengers. At Athens a regular 
reign of terror was carried on by the "Thirty" with the 
support of a Spartan garrison on the Acropolis. At last, 
those whom they had driven out seized the Piraeus and 
overthrew the tyrants. Even then another oligarchy 
would have been set up, had not Pausanias, the Spartan 
king, who was hostile to Lysander, secured for the Athe- 
nians freedom to reorganize their government as a some- 
what conservative democracy. Elsewhere Lysander set 
up decarchies and planted Spartan garrisons, sailing up 
and down the ^Egean sea, levying tribute and practically 
subjugating, instead of freeing, the cities. Thus the Greek 
world found that the victory over Athens resulted only in 
the setting up of a heartless and narrow-minded power, 
whose aim was a supremacy more thorough and selfish 
than ever. This could not fail to be clearly seen, when it 
became known that the condition on which Persia had 
taken Sparta's side was that Sparta should hand the Greek 
cities on the Asia Minor coast over to Persia. Not only 
the Spartans then — the Spartans and the Persians were 
lords of the Greek states. 

222. In sympathy with Sparta was yet another power 
in the Greek world. Even since the successful defence 
of Syracuse against the Athenians the Greek cities of Sicily 
had been living in peace, with increasing wealth and pros- 
perity, under democratic constitutions. But Carthage, 
the Phoenician metropolis of north Africa, who had kept 
her hands from Sicily since the defeat of Himera (§ 154), 



The Sicilian Empire 183 

took advantage of a local quarrel to invade Sicily in 409 B.C. 
In the struggles which followed, it seemed as if all Greek 
Sicily would fall under the Carthaginian supremacy. De- 
liverance was wrought by a citizen of Syracuse, of humble 
origin, but of remarkable political and military gifts, Di- xheEm- 
onysius. He made himself tyrant of Syracuse, and in a Si"ny^sius. 
series of wars with the Carthaginians forced them back 
and confined their possessions to the western end of the 
island. During his long reign (405-367 B.C.), Syracuse 
became the greatest city of the Greek world. Dionysius 
fortified it strongly, adorned it magnificently and made it 
the centre of an Empire which embraced the greater part 
of Greek Italy, as well as islands and colonies in the upper 
Adriatic sea. His help was sought and obtained by the 
Spartans. He was desirous of entering into close rela- 
tions with the eastern Greeks, who both admired and 
feared him as a powerful, but dangerous tyrant. His 
nature was cold and hard; he did little for higher culture, 
although he wrote tragedies and thought himself most 
fortunate to have won the first prize at Athens in a tragic 
competition. His merit was primarily political — to have 
saved the Greeks of the west from destruction. His 
Empire lasted only a few years after his death. 

223. The half-century that followed the close of the Growth of 
Peloponnesian War (404-355 B.C.) is occupied with the per"usm.' 
history of the attempts of the leading Greek states, one 
after the other, to rule over the Greek world. In each 
of these states were ambitious men whose ideals were, like 
those of Alcibiades at Athens (§ 206), centred on the su- 
premacy of their own cities under their personal headship. Lysandcr 
Such a man was Lysander of Sparta, who wanted to make Igesiiaus. 
Sparta the ruler of Greece and himself the ruler of Sparta. 



flict at 
Sparta. 



184 The First Attempts at Empire 

The first of these aims he was accompUshing by forcing 
Spartan harmosts and garrisons upon the cities. The 
other he hoped to gain by making the new Spartan king, 
Agesilaus (399 B.C.), a man small, lame and apparently 
without force, subservient to himself. 

The Con- 224. But already symptoms of discontent with Lysan- 

der's selfish and unpatriotic policy had shown themselves 
at Sparta. The liberation of Athens from the tyrants by 
Pausanias (§ 221) is an illustration. Especially the aban- 
donment of the Asia Minor cities to Persia was felt to be 
unworthy, and their deliverance was loudly called for. 
The decisive step was forced by an unexpected event. 
The death of Darius II of Persia in 405 B.C. brought his 

The Anab- cldcst son, Artaxcrxcs II, to the throne. But Cyrus, the 
younger son, whose union with Sparta had brought Ath- 
ens low (§ 214), gathered an army of some 10,000 Greek 
mercenaries and 100,000 Asiatics and started from Asia 
Minor to contest the throne (402 B.C.). The king met the 
invaders in Babylonia at Cunaxa (401 B.C.), where the 
Greeks carried all before them, but Cyrus himself was 
killed. With his death the rebellion collapsed, the Asiatics 
deserted to the king, and the Greeks were left alone in the 
heart of the Empire. But, though deceived and harassed 
by the Persians, and their generals treacherously slain, 
they forced their way back to the west through the north- 
ern mountains and reached the Black sea. They had 
challenged the Great King at his very gates and he had 
been unable to punish them. 

225. Among the Greeks who accompanied Cyrus was a young 
Athenian, Xenophon, a friend of one of the Greek generals. It 
was he who encouraged the Greeks after the loss of their generals 
and inspired them to defy the king and attempt the return march. 



asis of 
Cyrus. 



Sparta s War with Persia 185 

He has written an account of the expedition in his Anabasis, one of 
the most attractive books in Greek literature. 

226. When Cyrus planned his rebellion, he sought and its Effect, 
obtained the aid of Sparta. The failure of his attempt J^egn*' 
brought down Persian wrath upon her. She was thus Spartaand 
driven to break with Persia and strike a blow for the free- 
dom of the Asia Minor cities. War began in 400 B.C. 

In 396 B.C. Agesilaus, with a strong army, started for Agesiiaus 
Asia Minor, accompanied by Lysander, who expected ^100^ 
to control the expedition. But Agesilaus, though insig- 
nificant in body, was vigorous in purpose and ambition; 
he soon showed himself the real, as well as the nominal, 
master, and Lysander's supremacy was past. 

227. The war with Persia ran on feebly for ten years Sparta's 
(396-387 B.C.). Worthy as was Sparta's motive in wag- fn^leecl^ 
ing it, she could not escape the consecjuences of her arbi- 
trary treatment of Greek states at home. Corinth and 
Thebes, who had suffered from her tyranny, joined with 
Athens; all threw themselves on the side of Persia. The 
conflict on the sea was carried on by a Persian fleet under 

the leadership of Conon, the Athenian admiral. Agesi- 
laus was called back from the east and won a decisive 
victory over the Thebans at Coroneia in 394 B.C., but coroneia 
the same year the Spartan fleet was destroyed at Cnidos. cnWos 
The Ionian cities fell into the hands of Persia. The 
Persian fleet sailed over to Greece, where Conon rebuilt the 
long walls of Athens, and thus the opportunity was given her 
to become again an independent sea power. Sparta gave 
up the contest and sought peace from Persia on terms most 
advantageous to herself. The Great King dictated the con- The Peace 
ditions to her ambassador Antalcidas, and by 387 B.C. the ^[^j^g"^^^' 
King's Peace was established throughout the Greek world. 



186 The First Attempts at Empire 



A Virtual 
Victory for 
Sparta. 



The Cen- 
tralizing 
Tendency 



Checked 

by 

Sparta. 



The 

Cadmeia 

Affair. 



The royal decree which gave the terms of peace read as follows: 
"King Artaxerxes thinks it right that the cities in Asia and the 
islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus shall belong to him; further 
that all the other Greek cities, small and great, shall be independent, 
except Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, which shall belong to Athens as 
formerly. If any refuse to accept this peace, I shall make war on 
them, along with those who have the same mind, both by land and 
sea, with both ships and money." 

228. To Sparta, as head of Greece, was given the task 
of maintaining the peace as the king's deputy. The result 
was practically to restore Spartan supremacy. For what- 
ever cities had organized leagues or subjected other cities 
would be forced by Sparta to give independence to those 
under them, while Sparta herself had a free hand in es- 
tablishing her own power everywhere. The Asia Minor 
cities were, however, definitely handed over to Persia. 

229. It remained to be seen whether Sparta's diplomatic 
triumph could be maintained in the face of the tendency 
to unite states, which was steadily making headway in the 
Greek world against the old-time principle of independence 
(§ 193). Everywhere leagues were forming; new and 
larger states were rising; tyrants were appearing and gain- 
ing wider power. By the peace of Antalcidas Sparta was 
empowered to check these movements in her own interest. 
The real problem was whether she was strong enough 
to stop them and make herself mistress of Greece. She 
bestirred herself with energy. The opposition in the Pel- 
oponnesus was put down. A league of the Chalcidian 
cities under the leadership of Olynthus was broken up 
(382-379 B.C.). A check was put on the Boeotian league 
by throwing a Spartan garrison into the Cadmeia, the 
citadel of Thebes (382 B.C.) — a manifest breach of the 
King's Peace. An attempt was made to seize the Piraeus, 



The Theban Uprising 187 

which the Athenians had not yet fully fortified (378 B.C.), 
but without success. 

230. But such high-handed measures provoked intense Revolt at 
opposition. A conspiracy at Thebes, aided by the Athe- ^^®^^^- 
nians, succeeded in driving out the Spartan garrison and 
uniting Boeotia against Sparta (379 B.C.). Athens also 
declared war and swept the Spartans from the sea. When, 

in 371 B.C., the Spartan army under King Cleombrotus 
entered Boeotia, the Boeotians met them at Leuctra and Leuctra 
inflicted upon them a smashing defeat. The king himself Lesson, 
was slain and a thousand Lacedemonians with him. The 
prestige of the Spartan soldiery was destroyed. All Greece 
was astounded. The pious Xenophon wrote of it as fol- 
lows: "The Lacedemonians, who swore to leave the cities 
independent, seized the citadel of Thebes, and they were 
punished by the very men, single-handed, whom they had 
wronged, though never before had they been vanquished 
by any single people. It is a proof that the gods observe 
men who do irreligious and unhallowed deeds." 

231. The victory of Thebes was the result, not of a Grounds 
sudden outburst of irresistible wrath at Spartan oppression, s^Je^st^^" 
but of long military training and a new system of military 
tactics devised and carried through by leaders of genius 

and enthusiasm. Two great men had been created by the Two Men 
Theban situation — Pelopidas and Epaminondas. The *'^^*"'"^- 
former was the leader in the band of conspirators that 
drove the Spartans out of Thebes, an intense fiery nature, 
of genial and bold temper; he gathered the Theban youth 
into the *' Sacred Band," one hundred and fifty pairs of 
friends, skilled in war, bound by the hohest of ties to fight 
side by side to the death. Epaminondas balanced the 
passionate enthusiasm of his friend by a philosophic tem- 



188 The First Attempts at Empire 



New Mili- 
tary Tac- 
tics. 



The New 

Theban 

Policy. 



Imperial- 
ism. 




:>\ 






per and the deep insight of political and miHtary genius. 
It was he who developed the new tactics that won at 

Leuctra. Ordina- 
rily, in a Greek 
battle the attack 
was made with the 
right wing, which 
sought to outflank 
the enemy's left 
wing and throw it 
back upon the rest 
of the line. But 
Epaminondas re- 
versed this order 
by making his left 
wing the fighting 
wing, increasing it 
to fifty men deep 
instead of the 
usual twelve, and 
hurling it first upon the enemy's fighting wing, letting the 
rest of the line follow and complete the overthrow. 

232. The plans of these two leaders contemplated not 
merely the freedom of their city from Spartan control, but 
the establishment of Theban supremacy over Boeotia, and 
even the substitution of Thebes for Sparta in the he- 
gemony of the Greek world. They had nothing to fear 
from Dionysius (§ 222), who died in 367 B.C., and whose 
successor, Dionysius II, had little of the genius and vigor 
of his father. With Boeotia consolidated, they must gain 
control over the Peloponnesus, northern Greece and the 
sea. To this task Thebes, under these leaders, gave her- 




The Thehan Empire 189 

self for ten years (371-362 B.C.)- In the north the tyrants its carry- 
of Thessaly were subdued, but in the struggle Pelopidas '"^ °''*" 
was slain (364 B.C.). The attempt to control the sea 
brought Thebes into conflict with Athens and led to no 
result. In the Peloponnesus a better outcome seemed inthePei- 
possible. The defeat of Sparta opened the way for the °p°°°«5"^- 
cities, which she had oppressed, to make themselves free. 
The Arcadians, hitherto spht up into petty villages, united 
in a common state life with its centre at a new city, Mega- 
lopoHs, and found protection and support from Thebes. 
Epaminondas marched down into the Peloponnesus, al- 
most captured Sparta, freed the Messenians and set them 
up as a state. But eager as these states were for freedom, 
they were not ready to hold it under Theban direction. 
They turned against their deliverer, and when Epaminon- 
das came down, in 362 B.C., to re-establish Theban author- 
ity he found Spartans, Arcadians, Athenians and others in 
the army that confronted him. The battle was fought at Mantinea. 
Mantinea. His military genius again gave him the vic- 
tory, but he himself was sore wounded and died on the The Result, 
field. With his death the Theban supremacy was shat- 
tered. What Thebes had accomplished was the overthrow 
of Sparta's supremacy; her own she could not establish 
in its place. Greek unity, so urgently needed and so 
steadily aspired after, seemed farther off than ever. 

233. Could Athens bring this about? Such had been Revival of 
the ambition of the restored democracy from the be- ^^ition. 
ginning of the fourth century. Various attempts had been 
made to recover her power over the ^Egean cities. Early 
in 377 B.C. a confederacy of Greek cities under Athenian a New 
leadership was proposed, with the ostensible purpose of ^^^^ue. 
forcing the Spartans to leave the Greeks free and inde- 



190 The First Attempts at Empire 



Athenian 
Failure to 
Dominate 
It. 



Difficulty 

with 

Macedonia. 



Review of 
the Situa- 
tion. 



pendent. No possibility of Athenian encroachment upon 
the rights and powers of the alHes was permitted. They 
united as independent states, about seventy in number, 
with Athens as the poHtical and mihtary head. The 
purpose of the league was accomplished so far as it sought 
the overthrow of Sparta's sea power, but it was too loose 
a confederation to satisfy Athens or to meet the needs of 
the time. In 366 B.C., therefore, Athens made a vigorous 
attempt to turn it into something more like an empire. 
Under Timotheus, the son of Conon, and Iphicrates, 
fleets were sent out which reduced Samos to subjection 
and established Athenian supremacy in the Hellespont 
and on the Chalcidian peninsula. But opposition was 
found on every side. Thebes contested the Athenian 
claim to the sea (§232). A new king in Persia, Artax- 
erxes III (Ochus), came to the throne in 359 B.C., and his 
energetic activity restored Persia to something like unity 
and strength. The result was that the Greek cities in the 
eastern ^gean fell away from Athens to him. The Athe- 
nian advance in the north had disturbed Macedonia, 
where, in 359 B.C., Philip had become king. By clever 
diplomacy he outwitted Athens and began to secure the 
Chalcidian cities. Thus, the difficulties were too great. 
In 355 B.C. Athens made peace with her rebellious allies 
in the east by renouncing her authority over them; she 
contented herself with the few possessions which remained 
in the north, where her trouble with Philip was not yet 
settled. Greece was in confusion still, and no one could 
see the end. 

234. As we look back over the fifty years that came to a 
close with 355 B.C., we notice, in comparison with the 
fifth century, §ome significant characteristics. The facts 



An Age of Transition 191 

of the history narrated in the preceding sections show very 
clearly that it was a time of change and conflict, without 
any clear aim or satisfactory outcome. The brilliant 
career of Athens with its imperial aspirations had been 
brought to naught by the determined opposition of states 
representing the old Greek principle of the separate inde- 
pendence of the several cities. The victory of Sparta conflict 
strengthened everything that gathered about that princi- owTnd 
pie — the aristocratic class, the old religion, the dislike of New PoUt 
democracy, the preference for constitutions like that of 
Sparta, which restrained the freedom of the individual 
citizen in the interest of the state. On the other hand, 
Imperial Athens, though fallen, handed on the influences 
and ideals which she had cherished, and they continued to 
fight for supremacy in the political and social life of the 
time. The imperial idea was seized by Sparta and Thebes; 
the impossibility of turning Greece into a mass of petty, 
independent cities was emphasized by the various leagues 
which constantly sprang up; the new thought was as- 
serting the importance of the individual man and his de- 
mands upon life, upon the state of which he was a citizen, 
upon the world in which he lived. Thus everywhere it 
was conflict between return to the past and progress along 
new paths. 

235. Everywhere appeared signs that this was a time changes ir 
of transition. The art of war was changing. The heavy- ^^^/^ ° 
armed footman, the hoplite, ceased to be the one strong 
force of the army; the light-armed soldier, the peltast, 
was found to be more and more useful. It was a great shock 
to the military science of the time, when the Athenian 
Iphicrates, in 392 B.C., set upon a regiment of Spartan 
hoplites with his peltasts and nearly destroyed them all. 



192 The First Attempts at Empire 



Confusion 
in Politics. 



Factions. 



Decline of 
the Citizen 
Body. 



Cavalry also became more important and no army was 
complete without a strong corps. The new tactics of 
Epaminondas were likewise revolutionary. Equally strik- 
ing is the almost universal employment of mercenary sol- 
diers. The long years of the Peloponnesian War bred a 
generation who knew one thing well — how to fight. The 
losses of the citizen body in all the cities made it impos- 
sible to send out sufficiently large armies of citizens ; hence 
soldiers were hired and the practice of selling oneself for 
war was a very profitable trade. Generals, too, let them- 
selves out for hire to conduct campaigns. As money was 
scarce in all the Greek states, and the funds for the pay- 
ment of mercenaries were soon exhausted, opposing gen- 
erals avoided decisive battles and sought to prolong the 
manoeuvres until the opposing force was disbanded for lack 
of funds. Thus war was carried on quite scientifically 
and with much less bloodshed. 

236. Another illustration of this time of change is 
found in the politics of the day. It is a mixture of petty 
conflicts and local problems with great plans and large 
ambitions. The imperial strivings of each of the greater 
states were checked by the obstinate opposition of smaller 
states. Each state had its own war of factions — aristocrat 
against democrat. The complicated politics of the time 
was due to the ceaseless intrigues of these little cities, now 
swinging to this side, now to that. Fear and jealousy, 
ambition and conservatism, were contending impulses in 
every community. At the same time the problems of 
these states were of the pettiest order. They were all 
reduced in population and resources. Sparta's legitimate 
citizens at the end of the Peloponnesian War numbered 
only about 2,000. Athens was hard pressed to keep up 



Art and Literature 193 

her citizen body and only during these years was wilhng 
to extend the privilege of citizenship with some degree 
of generosity to outsiders, a measure in which she was fol- 
lowed by other states, even by Sparta. The difficult ques- Problem of 
tion of finance was a pressing one. Athens was constantly 
on the verge of financial exhaustion, although she had a 
fairly prosperous commercial activity. When they had 
the opportunity, recourse was had both by Athens and 
Sparta to plundering defenceless regions and forcing con- 
tributions from weaker cities. Piracy was not uncommon. 
Sometimes the baser expedient of robbing temples was 
tried. Hence came the importance of the alliance with 
Persia, for that meant Persian gold. 

237. The brightest side of the life of the time appears Art and 
in the higher spheres of art and literature. During these pJo^rUh!^ 
years of turmoil they went steadily forward. Even in the 
Peloponnesian War, sculptors could put forth such splen- 
did creations as the Nike ("Victory") by Paeonius, set up 
by the Messenians at Olympia. The greatest sculptor 
of the age was Praxiteles, whose finest work, the Her- 
mes, reveals the chief note of progress. It consists in the The New 
freer expression of human emotion, the delineation of 
man as an individual with his special traits and feelings, 
contrasting thus with the more restrained and heroic ideals 
of the age of Pericles (§ 182). As the Parthenon is the Archi- 
finest example of Periclean architecture, so the tomb of 
Maussolos, satrap and king of Caria, reveals for this age 
the union of sculpture and architecture at its highest point. 
The greatest artists of the time worked upon it. Paint- Painting, 
ing, also, took a place in the art of the day never attained 
before. The houses of the rich were adorned by frescoes 
and the works of great painters. Indeed, everywhere 



194 The First Attempts at Emjnre 



Enrich- 
ment of 
Life. 



Intellectual 
Life at 
Athens. 



Execution 
of Socrates. 

His 
Disciples. 

Xenophon. 



greater luxury, a finer taste in private life, appeared, illus- 
trated in the pursuits of hunting, in enjoyment of the coun- 
try and agricultural activity, and even in cookery, all of 
which v^rere studied as arts and on which books were 
written that have come down to us. 

238. Athens was the bright star in the world of litera- 
ture and thought. Shorn of her imperial position in the 
political world, she laid her hand of power upon the higher 
realm of letters and philosophy, and won an unquestioned 
triumph. What Pericles had claimed (§ 186) now came 
true. Athens was the teacher of Greece. At first things 
seemed to point in the other direction. The backward 
look toward the past, so characteristic of this age (§ 234), 
tended to the suppression of the new learning. Indeed, 
one awful blunder, worse than a crime, was made by this 
reactionary spirit in 399 B.C., when Socrates (§ 205) was 
put to death as an impious and pernicious man. But 
disciples, inspired by his teaching, took up his work and 
carried on the new learning to higher flights. One of the 
most attractive of these men was Xenophon (434-354 B.C.). 



It is said that Xenophon, when a young and handsome boy, was 
one day halted in the streets of Athens by Socrates, who asked him 
where various articles of merchandise could be bought. He politely 
told him. Then Socrates asked, "But where can one get good and 
honorable men?" When the boy could not answer, the philosopher 
replied, "Follow me," and Xenophon became his disciple. 



It was not altogether with the approval of Socrates that 
Xenophon joined the army of Cyrus (§225), and the out- 
come of that expedition, while it brought honor to the 
young leader, ruined his career as an Athenian. As a 
friend of Sparta, he was banished from Athens and went 



Plato 195 

to live on an estate in Elis presented to him by the Spar- 
tans. There he wrote many books. The most important 
are the Memoirs oj Socrates^ a worthy record of his mas- 
ter's career and teachings ; the Cyropedia^ a kind of his- 
torical romance glorifying the elder Cyrus of Persia (§ 85); 
the Anabasis, which, has already been referred to (§ 225), 
and the Hellenica, a history of Greece from the close 
of the Peloponnesian War to the battle of Mantinea. Xen- 
ophon is a typical man of his time, a conservative, clear- 
headed, sensible, healthy nature, roused into vigorous 
thinking by the spur of Socrates, but unwilHng or unable 
wholly to yield to the impulse of his master — a son of pro- 
gressive Athens taking halting Sparta for his foster-father. 

239. A far abler disciple was Plato (428-347 B.C.), Plata 
one of the most brilhant philosophers of all time. He 
is an example of the contradictions of this troubled age. 
Born into the circle of Athenian aristocracy, one of the 
company of brilliant young men that surrounded Socrates, 
he would have nothing to do with the politics of democratic 
Athens; yet he was passionately devoted to the study of 
politics; and even went to Syracuse, in the time of Dionys- 
ius II, to introduce his theories into actual practice. Of 
course they failed. He gathered about himself in Athens His pw- 
a body of disciples. In opposition to the material and ^°^°P^y- 
often sordid activities of his city and age, he taught them 
the doctrine that things on earth are faint and faded copies 
of perfect spiritual realities above this world, abiding, pure, 
divine. The perfect life is that which comes into harmony 
with these. The death of Socrates inspired him to write 
his Apology oj Socrates, an endeavor to present in sub- 
stance the defence which Socrates uttered before the court 
that condemned him. His writings took almost always 



196 The First Attempts at Empire 



Isocrates 



A Typical 
Man of the 
Time. 



the form of dialogues. They deal with a variety of phil- 
osophical and political subjects and are written in a poeti- 
cal prose of wondrous refinement and fascination. The 
Republic pictures his ideal commonwealth. The Phcedo 
offers an argument for the immortality of the soul. The 
Symposium discusses love as the supreme element in the 
universe. From the vicinity of his home to the gymnasium 
of Academus, his school is called the ''Academy." 

240. While possessing nothing like the genius of Plato, 
more truly a child of his age is Isocrates (436-338 B.C.). 
Indeed, more fully than any other writer or thinker, he 
represents the Athens of the fourth century, its culture, 
its doubts, and its hopes. He sought no pubhc activity, 
yet devoted himself to the training of men for public life. 
He taught them philosophy, science and character. His 
was the most popular school and he the ablest teacher 
in the Greek world. As a literary man he was the creator 
of a classical prose style, smooth, liquid, pure — possibly 
lacking in strength and fire. As a political philosopher 
his view was broad and high. At first he hoped, Hke so 
many men of his time, that the old union of Sparta, the 
land power, and Athens, the sea power, of the Greek world 
might be revived to be the salvation of Greece. Such was 
his plea in his Panegyricus, delivered at Olympia on the 
occasion of the hundredth Olympiad (380 B.C.). He rose 
to a higher ideal, the union of all Greece under a single 
leader and the advance of united Greece against Persia — 
the recovery of Greek unity and honor. The trouble 
was he could get no leader — he summoned one after 
another of the states to this task. But as his long hfe 
drew to a close, one did appear, and Isocrates could look 
forward hopefully to the realizing of his ideal. That 



Rise of Macedonia 197 

leader was Philip, King of Macedon, whose career is a 
turning-point in Greek history. 

241. Our study of the Oriental empires has shown how How can 
with the decay of the nations of culture, there appear new Re^^^d ^ 
peoples, rude and strong, to overrun and rule their weaker and 
but more highly developed neighbors, absorb their culture 

and carry the world a stage farther in the march of prog- 
ress (§ 40). Such was to be the solution of the problem New 
of the Greek world. In the western and northern parts ^®°p^®^- 
of the Greek peninsula was a mass of peoples on the bor- 
ders of civilization, becoming slowly affected by it, form- in the 
ing out of loose tribal conditions states of a steadily in- ^°''*^''®^*- 
creasing strength and unity. Some had already been 
drawn into the circle of Greek politics and war, like 
JEtolisij Acarnania and Ambracia. And now, even be- 
yond these, in the wild region of Epirus, occupied by a 
mixture of races, kingdoms Hke that of the Molossi began 
to emerge. A new Greece was rising as the old Greece 
decHned. 

242. It was in the northeast, rather than in the west, Rise of 
however, that advance was more rapid. This was to be 
expected, since the eastern coast of Greece had been the 
scene of the most vigorous life from the earliest period. 
Here, lying back from the northwestern ^Egean and cut 

off from Thessaly by lofty mountains, lay Macedonia. 
Its people were a strange complex of races: to the north 
and west Illyrian, to the east Thracian, mixed with the 
purer Macedonian blood, but all paying uncertain alle- 
giance to a line of kings whose capital was at JEgx, far 
in the interior, at the head of the great plain that stretched 
down to the Thermaic gulf. These kings, handing down 
their throne from father to son, steadily grew in power 



198 The First Attempts at Empire 



Relation 
to Greece. 



Growth of 
Macedo- 
nian Na- 
tional Life. 



King 
Philip. 



and importance. The position of Macedonia drew them 
early into the circle of Greek politics; it is their lasting 
merit that they saw and valued the importance of culti- 
vating relations with the Greek states. The first of the 
kings to come into historic Hght took the side of the Greeks 
in the first Persian wars. They encouraged Greek settle- 
ments on their shores. They even claimed descent from 
the Greek god and hero, Heracles, and the claim was 
acknowledged by the privilege conferred upon them of 
contesting in the Olympic games. 

243. Brought thus into close contact with the intense 
spirit of Greek national life and culture, the Macedonian 
king and his people naturally were inspired to develop 
their own nationality. Two things were necessary for 
this result. First, the loose attachment of the tribes 
in the west and north must be turned into a firm al- 
legiance to the sovereign. Second, the sea-coast must 
be secured. The first of these was undertaken in a series 
of military operations carried on by king after king with 
very moderate success. The second meant obtaining 
supremacy over the flourishing Greek cities which, for 
centuries planted on the peninsulas of Chalcidice, had 
monopolized the rich trade with the interior. As most 
of the cities belonged to the Athenian Empire, the kings 
were involved in difficulties with Athens. This compli- 
cation bound them up even more closely with the political 
and military movements of the Greek world. Thus, little 
by Httle, Macedonia was being prepared to grapple deci- 
sively with the problem that Athens, Sparta and Thebes 
in turn had laid down. 

244. At this crisis Philip was on the throne, a man in 
genius and energy fully equal to the situation. He brought 



Rise of Philip of Macedon 190 

to a successful end the unifying of his kingdom. By a 
series of tremendous campaigns in west and north and 
east, he broke down the resistance of the rude and war- 
like Illyrian tribes, drove back or absorbed the Thra- 
cians and welded all into a living and concordant unity. 
The nation that sprang into full life was animated by a 
common spirit of mihtary zeal and personal loyalty to the 
king. A new army was formed and trained to a perfection His Army, 
never before reached. The foot-soldiers were formed in 
close array somewhat deeper than the ordinary Greek 
hoplite army and armed with longer spears. This was 
the Phalanx. The chief reliance was the cavalry, both 
Hght and heavy armed, made up of the nobility, men in 
the prime of physical vigor and of high spirit. In a battle 
their charge upon the enemy's flank, made as one man 
with tremendous force, usually decided the day. All ad- 
vances in the art of war made by the Greeks during the 
preceding years were brought together by Philip in his 
military organization. He had an abundance of light- 
armed troops and a splendid siege-train. He himself was 
the animating soul, the directing genius of the whole 
organization. All the soldiers were called "companions," 
and the word well expresses the relation to their head 
which he was able to inspire. The new Macedonia was a 
nation under arms. 

245. Philip was equally successful in the second of the The Ad- 
tasks laid upon the Macedonian sovereign — the securing J^°corst. 
of the sea-coast. By a combination of skilful diplomacy 
and vigorous warfare he proceeded to wrest from Athens 
the cities under her influence and to reduce the others to 
subjection. With the fall of the most important of them 
all, AmphipoHs (357 B.C.), he was master of the central 



200 The First Attempts at Empire 

trade-routes; the gold mines on the northeastern bordei 
were secured ; the city of Philippi was built to guard them ; 
a small navy was begun. By 348 B.C. every Greek city 
on the coast of Macedonia was in his hands. The capital 
of his kingdom was removed from ^Egae and established 
farther down the plain at Pella. This work accomplished 
invited him to the other and greater achievement — the 
leadership of Greece. 
Philip 246. The opportunity came in an outbreak in middle 

Foo"how^n G^G^ce. The Amphictyonic Council (§118) had proceeded 
Greece. against the Phocians on a charge of doing violence to the 
rights of the temple at Delphi. On their refusal to submit, 
the council declared war against them. They seized the 
temple and borrowed its treasures to hire soldiers for their 
The defence. Little by Httle all Greece was drawn in. The 

•j^sa^cred active mcmbcrs of the Amphictyonic Council were Thebes, 
Locris and Thessaly. For Phocis were Athens and Sparta. 
The Phocians also succeeded in gaining the tyrants of 
ThessaHan Pherae to their side; this led the rest of the 
Thessalians to ask PhiHp to lead them. Thus PhiHp 
crossed the border of Greece and became master of Thes- 
saly (353 B.C.). The full meaning of the new situation 
soon became clear. Greece was on the verge of a greater 
struggle than the petty Sacred War. Philip had come 
within her gates. 
His 247. It is important to observe Philip's ideals and am- 

t^ward^ bitions. He was a true Macedonian, a fearless, impetuous, 
Greece. rclentlcss, Unsparing warrior, a deep drinker and reckless 
reveller, yet devoted to the upbuilding of his kingdom and 
utterly unscrupulous as to the means of accomplishing it. 
At the same time he cherished a strong admiration for 
Greece, was immensely proud of his Greek descent, and 



Ideals of Philip 201 

estimated the favor and recognition conferred by Greece 
above almost everything else in the world. Greek culture, 
long welcomed at the Macedonian court, had deeply im- 
pressed him. For some years he had resided at Thebes as 
a hostage in the hands of Epaminondas, and had studied, 
not in vain, the political situation. He aspired to be the His ideal 
leader of Greece, then, not merely for his own glory and *°' ^"*" 
that of Macedonia, not that he might plant his foot on the 
neck of Greek freedom, but rather because he was, in a 
kind of romantic reverence for her ancient fame and her 
immortal culture, conscious of the dignity and glory to be 
gained thereby. This feeling seemed to concentrate on 
Athens. Although Philip was constantly at war with 
that city, he was ever ready to make peace with her, to 
excuse the hostility and perfidy with which she dealt 
with him and to spare her at the last. Thus the leader- what His 
ship which he craved was for the purpose of securing MeanY^^*^ 
peace among free Greek communities. He would have 
them recognize in him their arbiter and friend. He 
went a step farther, and saw in the unity of Greece, se- 
cured by him, the means for carrying out the ideal which 
Isocrates had already described (§ 240), the punishment of 
Persia for its lordship over the Greek states. It was with 
purposes like these, in which the lust of conquest was 
mixed with the higher ideals of Greek unity and suprem- 
acy, that Philip set foot upon Greek soil and began to 
push steadily southward. 

248. Who, after all, could or would oppose him ? Had The oid 
not everything been moving in the direction of unity — Rev^te^ 
Athens, Sparta, Thebes seeking to bring it about ? Why 
not hail his coming as a relief from the half century of 
turmoil that had just passed? The answer to these 



202 The First AttemiJts at Empire 

questions is the same as that which was given to Athens, 
Sparta and Thebes — Greece will not submit to the author- 
ity of one. Independence for the separate states — the 
principle of autonomy — was now to clash again with the 
impulse to unity. Strange to say, the leader in this last 
struggle for Greek freedom was Athens. We have already 
seen how Philip's successful activities in securing the 
Macedonian sea-coast had brought him into conflict with 
the Athenians (§ 243). A vigorous campaign in 352 B.C. 
had made him master of Thrace, where he threatened the 
Athenian possessions on that coast. The ''Sacred War" 
(§ 246) had embittered the situation still more. Thus far, 
however, Athens had done Httlc more than defend herself 
against Macedonian aggression. But now she entered 
upon a new activity under the leadership of Demos- 
thenes, the most famous orator of the ancient world. 

249. Demosthenes (384-322 B.C.) began the study and 
practice o"f oratory under Isaeus, one of the leading prac- 
tical lawyers of Athens, in order to recover his property, 
of which in his orphaned childhood his guardians had 
robbed him. He overcame all his many natural defects 
by persistent toil, and in the process became not only a 
wonderful speaker, but a successful politician. His 
orations against PhiHp — called Phihppics — and his other 
speeches, of which many have been preserved, show a 
combination of close logic, intensity of spirit and beauty 
of language which are without parallel. The most re- 
nowned of them is the Oration on the Crowns delivered in 
defence of his policy on the occasion of a proposal to the 
people to offer him a crown in reward for his pubhc ser- 
vice (330 B.C.). 

250. Demosthenes had already advocated a more vig- 



Philip and Demosthenes 



203 



Policy. 



orous war policy than the defensive one which had hitherto He cham- 
prevailed, but, after the briUiant successes of Phihp, he ^nH'MaL 
had agreed to a peace in 346 B.C., which was sorely needed donian 
by Athens. But when Philip desired to enter into closer 
relations of friendship with Athens, Demosthenes induced 
the Athenians to hold back. Meanwhile, Philip was elected 
a member of the Amphictyonic League in the place of the 
Phocians, and thus was entered legally among the Greek 
powers. This was the opportunity taken by Demosthenes 
to launch his new enterprise — the aggressive union of all 
the Greek states against the dangerous Macedonian enemy. 
He had some success; states in the Peloponnesus and on 
the northern ^^gean entered a league. At last, the Am- 
phictyonic Council, unsupported by Athens and Thebes, 
invited Philip to lead another " sacred war." This brought 
matters to a head. The Thebans joined the anti-Mace- 
donian union and prepared to resist Philip's march. The 
decisive battle was fought in Boeotia at Chaeroneia 
(338 B.C.). The Macedonian cavalry was led by Philip's 
son Alexander, then sixteen years of age. Demosthenes 
served as a heavy-armed soldier in the Athenian ranks. 
The result was the complete victory of Philip; the The- 
bans were cut to pieces; the Athenians were routed and 
ran away. 

251. The victory of Chaeroneia meant the supremacy Result: 
of Macedonia and the Macedonian king over the Greek fh^Jneadof 
world. The Greeks had fallen into the hands of no city- Greece, 
state among their own number, but found a master in the 
monarch of a kingdom which they regarded as outside 
their circle and had only grudgingly admitted among 
them. But Philip had no intention of playing the tyrant. 
He wanted to be the acknowledged head of free communi- 



Chaeroneia. 



204 The First Attempts at Empire 

ties united of their own accord under his leadership. Ac- 
cordingly, he summoned the states to meet at Corinth and 
form a Confederacy. In 337 B.C. he announced at the 
meeting his purpose to lead them against Persia. It was 
necessary, however, to establish Macedonian garrisons in 
strategic points; for the Greeks were unwilling even now 
to accept Macedonian supremacy. The outcome, how- 
ever, was certain, since the power of Philip was too great to 
be successfully resisted. Opposition to it could only end 
in disaster, in the renewal of strife, which was ruinous to 
the states themselves, and could not accomplish anything 
except bring down the wrath of Philip and sorer punish- 
ment at his hands. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

1. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 

2. The First Attempts at Empire. 

(a) The Persian Wars. (6) The rise of the Athenian Empire, 
(c) The Age of Pericles, (d) The Peloponnesian War. (e) Other 
Imperial Attempts: Sparta revives oligarchy by force (the thirty 
at Athens, Lysander in power) — empire of Dionysius in Sicily — the 
struggle for imperialism at Sparta — complications with Persia — the 
"Anabasis" — war with Persia — Agesilaus in Asia Minor — difficul- 
ties at home — peace of Antalcidas — its outcome — the Theban trouble 
(Cadmeia, Leuctra, the Theban heroes — army) — Theban imperial- 
ism (in the Peloponnesus, elsewhere, Mantinea, the outcome) — 
Athenian revival (the league and its failure) — Summary of the situ- 
ation (transition of ideas, art of war, politics, finance) — growth of 
art and literature (sculpture and painting, death of Socrates, Xeno- 
phon, Plato, Isocrates) — the problem solved by new peoples — rise 
of Macedonia (place and people, relation to Greece, national life, 
its problems) — Philip and his achievements (the army, the nation, 
the coast, advance into Greece, attitude toward Greece, who op- 
posed him, Demosthenes and his work, Chseroneia, result) — sum- 
mary of Greek history from this point of view. 



Summary of Greek Imperialism 205 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following noted: 
Cunaxa, Coroneia, Olynthus, Megalopolis, Epirus, Pella, Chae- 
roneia? 2. Who were Lysander, Dionysius, Agesilaus, Conon, 
Pelopidas, Iphicrates, Maussolus, Xenophon, Isocrates, Demos- 
thenes? 3. What is meant by harmost, autonomy, peltast, 
academy, phalanx, amphictyony? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Spartan imperial 
rule with that of Athens (§§ 163, 164, 190). 2. Compare 
Epaminondas with Pericles. 3. Compare the battle of Chae- 
roneia with that of Marathon. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Spartan Im- 
perialism. Morey, pp. 277-281 ; Shuckburgh, pp. 260-273; Bots- 
ford, pp. 250-268; Plutarch, Lives of Lysander and Agesilaus. 
2. The Thirty at Athens. Bury, pp. 507-513. 3. Art and Litera- 
ture at Athens. Bury, pp. 574-590. 4. Xenophon. Jebb, pp. 
109-114; Capps, pp. 330-338; Murray, ch. 15. 5. Plato. Jebb, 
pp. 126-129; Capps, ch. 15; Murray, ch. 14. 6. Isocrates. 
Jebb, pp. 1 19-120; Capps, pp. 345-347; Murray, pp. 341-352. 
7. The Empire of Dionysius. Bury, pp. 638-666; Botsford, 239- 
245; Morey, pp. 284-286. 8. The Theban Uprising. Botsford, 
pp. 268-274. 9. Epaminondas and Thebes. Bury, pp. 625-626; 
Shuckburgh, pp. 274-278; Zimmern, ch. 19; Botsford, pp. 275- 
283; Plutarch, Life of Pelopidas. 10. Macedonia. Morey, pp. 
300-302; Shuckburgh, 280-282; Bury, pp. 683-688; Botsford, 
pp. 297-302. 11. Philip and Demosthenes. Bury, pp. 687- 
737; Shuckburgh, pp. 283-291; Zimmern, ch. 20. 12. The "An- 
abasis" of Cyrus. Zimmern, pp. 301-307; Bury, pp. 517-530. 

252. Thus the brilliant chapter of Greek independent 
political life came to an end. Beginning with petty com- 
munities growing up in secluded valleys, the Greeks came The Pass- 
to value above all else the blessing of freedom, the glory '^f^ll^ 
of the independence of separate states, each working out 
its own problems. They learned, also, how to give to each 
citizen a place and a part in the common life. But situated 
as the Greek peninsula was, midway between east and Summary 
west and open to the influences of Oriental civilization, its ^aJler. 
states were drawn together by the unifying forces of com- 



206 The First Attempts at Empire 

merce and international politics. A heroic war of defence 
against the conquering Empire of Persia made them one for 
a season, and the resulting political conditions gave the op- 
portunity to one of their states — Athens — to take a com- 
manding position in the yEgean sea. Thus the impulse 
to union was strengthened and took on an imperial form. 
But the new tendency to empire clashed with the old 
principle of autonomy, and the conflict dominated suc- 
ceeding Greek history. Athens fell, only to be succeeded 
by Sparta and Thebes, each following in her steps. A 
similar movement was made in Sicily, where Dionysius 
extended his personal rule over a wide territory. But in 
the fierce conflict of old and new all these imperial en- 
deavors perished. The consummation of the centuries 
of troubled progress toward unity was at last realized in 
Phihp of Macedon, with whose victory at Chaeroneia the 
importance of the separate city-states came to an end. 
Their endeavors after empire were swallowed up in a 
mightier imperial achievement which now appeared on the 
horizon — the Empire of Alexander. 

GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 2; §§193-252 

431-331 B.C. 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. The fundamental politi- 
cal issue of the Peloponnesian War traced through the various 
stages of the war (§ 193). 2. The growth of Imperialism as 
illustrated in the history of the states of the time (§§ 158, 164, 
190, 223, 232, 233, 240). 3. The policy of Athens in the Pelo- 
ponnesian War as illustrated in the leaders Pericles, Cleon, 
Nicias, Alcibiades. 4. The policy of Sparta in the war as 
illustrated in the leaders Brasidas and Lysander, 5. The new 
learning as illustrative of the spirit of the times (§§ 199-206). 

6. A List of the Ten Greatest Men of Greece, from 431-331 b.c. 

7. The Part played by Persia during the period frpnj 431-338 



pi o 



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ii i 

o o 5 



53 = o. ~ y. 



H OH 

■^ Phirtias 
lodotus 



_Soji>.htK-U;_s_ I 



.-i-iH 



Aeschylus 



Socnues_ 
TliucydiJes 
Euripitles 



434 

tlie"Histo7iaii 



I ^1 

1 I f 
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■< g 3 






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05 1- O 



5^ 



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Xenophon 



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o 



Greek Imperialism 207 

B.C. 8. The Relation of Macedonia to the Greek states his- 
torically traced down to 338 b.c. 9. The Part played by Sea 
power in the Peloponnesian War. 10. The Divisions of the 
Greek World which were chiefly the scene of the Peloponnesian 
War. 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Make a map of Greece 
during the Peloponnesian War and locate the chief land battles. 
2. Make a map of the ^gean and locate on it the chief naval 
battles of the Peloponnesian War. 3. How did it happen that 
statues like the Hermes (Plate VIII) and buildings like the 
Parthenon (Plate I) were produced by the Greeks and not the 
Oriental peoples? 4. Study Plate XIII to observe how superior 
the Greek sculpture is to the Egyptian in composition. What 
has the Egyptian which the Greek lacks? 

SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Weaknesses of 
Athenian Democracy as Illustrated in the Peloponnesian War. 
Fowler, The City State of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 176-183, 
245-260. 2. A Play of Euripides, e.g., the "Electra" or "Bac- 
chae"— the story of the play and its testimony to the times. 
Coleridge, Translation of Euripides. 3. A Talk with Socrates 
Regarding His Condemnation by the Athenians. Plato, the 
Apology. 4. A Study of the Character of Alcibiades. Plu- 
tarch, Life of Alcibiades. 5. Why the Greeks were Able to 
Drive Back the Persians and yet Fell under the Macedonian 
Power. Fowler, The City State, etc., chs. 9 and 11. 6. A 
Description of the Disaster at Syracuse. Jowett's Thucydides. 
7. A Report of the Discussion in the Athenian Assembly Con- 
cerning the Punishment of Mitylene. Jowett's Thucydides. 



208 The Empire of Alexander 

3.-THE EMPIRES OF ALEXANDER AND HIS 

SUCCESSORS TO THE APPEARANCE 

OF ROME IN THE EAST 

331-200 B.C. 

, , ,i.EV 253. Hardly had Philip organized his new Greek con- 
I'^deI-I' federacy when, in connection with troubles m the Mace- 
=t donian court, he was murdered (336 B-C.) _ His son Alex^ 
Kin.o. ^„der succeeded to his throne and his plans. The son 
""'"'""'■ was in many respects, the image of his father-of splendid 
physical constitution and fascinating personality, possess- 
in. the same combination of unyielding will and romantic 
sensibility; both were too much alike indeed, to get on 
well together, and it was said that the ^ther had tob 
notion of permitting the son to succeed him. But Alex- 
ander's training had been such as to prepare him to rule. 
Hi, P„p- His education had been conducted under Greek teachers ; 
aration for j^j^ j^j^r was Aristotlc, the keenest and most learned mind 
.he Throne. ^^ ^^^ ^.^^ His military training had been gained in his 

father's school of arms, and Philip was the finest soldier 
of his day. Now the victories of Philip had put into his 
hands a united Macedonia and the leadership of the Greek 
world; he was the general of a magnificently organized 
and equipped army of 60,000 men; the splendid project 
of the deliverance of the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian 
sway was left to him for realization. He, the young man 
of scarce twenty-one years, stood on the thresholdof an 
incomparable career; on his action hung the destiny of 

centuries to come. . 

254. His first task was to establish his position m Greece. 
Here the death of Philip was followed by attempts to throw 



Alexander's Plans 209 

off Macedonian supremacy. Two expeditions were suffi- His 
cient to settle matters. In the first, Alexander was ac- Seuiement 

' with 

knowledged by the states assembled at Corinth as head Greece, 
of the Greek confederacy. In the second, a Theban re- 
bellion was nipped in the bud and Thebes was levelled 
to the ground as a punishment (335 B.C.). Athens, 
though equally offending, was spared. During the same 
time the king made two campaigns upon his northern 
borders; in the one he subdued the Thracians and 
crossed the Danube; in the other he routed the Illyrians 
in the northwest. 

255. Already to the daring ambition of the youthful 
Alexander, Philip's plan to dehver the Greek cities of Asia His Pur- 
from Persia had become too small. His purpose was ag^tnst 
nothing less than to strike at the heart of the Empire itself Persia, 
and to take full vengeance for the wrongs which it had in- 
flicted upon the Greeks. To the fulfilment of this purpose 
he now set himself. The co-operation of the Greeks had 
already been promised, though in fact it amounted to little. 
His dependence must be upon his own Macedonian army 
with its trained soldiery and its skilful generals, all alike 
devoted to himself. With an army of some 40,000 men, 
of which 5,000 were cavalry, he set forth across the Helles- The start, 
pont in 334 B.C., leaving behind him his general, Antip- 
ater, with a strong force as his representative and the 
guardian of Macedonian interests in Greece. 

The spirit and purposes of the king and his generals are illustrated 
in the anecdote preserved in Plutarch. On the eve of his departure 
he distributed among his friends who were to accompany him a great 
part of his royal property. Whereupon Perdiccas asked him what 
he left for himself. He replied, "My hopes." Then Perdiccas said, 
"Let us be your partners in these," and refused to accept the king's 
gift. 



210 



The Empire of Aleocander 



Condition 
of Persia. 



Darius III. 



Alexander 
in Asia 
Minor. 



Granicus. 



256. The Persian Empire, although it had sadly declined 
from the spirit of its founders, and the luxury and cor- 
ruption of the court had undermined the vigor and effi- 
ciency of the rulers, was still a mighty and formidable state. 
Artaxerxes III (§ 233) had been very successful in putting 
down rebellions and had restored imperial prestige. But 
court intrigues made way with him in 338 B.C. and with 
his son after him. Now there sat on the throne Darius 
III (Codomannus), a noble not of the royal line, a high- 
minded and generous ruler, but able, neither in intellect 
nor in circumstances, to cope with the situation that faced 
him. Neither he nor his counsellors realized that they 
were no longer contending with a divided and inefficient 
Greece, whose leaders they had been accustomed to cor- 
rupt with their gold, or render powerless by stirring up 
difficulties at home. 

257. Accordingly, Alexander found himself confronted 
with an army, not much larger than his own, led by the 
Persian satraps of Asia Minor. A battle took place in 
June, 334 B.C., at the river Granicus, on the farther bank 
of which the Persian army was posted in a strong position. 
Alexander swept across the river with his heavy cavalry 
and fell upon the enemy's cavalry. On their rout the 
Macedonian phalanx followed and engaged the Persian 
infantry in front, while the cavalry attacked their flanks — 
the favorite military tactics of Alexander. They could not 
stand, and when they fled, the battle was won. The rest 
of the year was occupied in winning back the Ionian cities 
and the other strongholds of western Asia Minor. Thus 
the first part of the task was accomplished. 

258. In the spring of 333 B.C. Alexander set out from 
Gordeium in Phrygia, by a rapid march seized the passes 



Battle of Issus 



211 



into Cilicia and captured Tarsus, its capital. After being 
delayed here for some days on account of a nearly fatal 
illness, he marched forward along the coast toward Syria. 



#"• 



„x^' 



BATTLE OF ISSUS, 

Greek Cavalry 









1 Persian Cavalry 

2 .Heavy- armed Greeks 

in Persian Employ 
3,4 Heavy-armed Asiatics 
5 I.lglit-acin.ed Asiatics 



b Heavy- armed Greeks 

c Phalanx 

d Koyal Guards 

o Macedonian Cavalry 

d light-armed Troops 






•--^ \Si^' 




Meanwhile, Darius with his army had advanced into 
Syria, and faihng to find his enemy, had marched through 
an upper road into Cilicia and descended to the plain of 
Issus in the rear of Alexander. The latter immediately issus. 
turned about, and the second great battle was joined at 
Issus. Again, as at the Granicus, the Persians stood on 
the defensive at the bank of a river and Alexander sprang 



212 The Empire of Alexander 

like a tiger upon the enemy with his heavy cavalry, followed 
by his foot-soldiers. The struggle was much more fierce; 
once the phalanx seemed to be broken; the light cavalry 
on the left were hard pressed. But again Alexander's 
rush carried all before it; the phalanx recovered and the 
Persians broke in flight for the mountains. Darius barely 
escaped, leaving his tent, personal baggage and household 
to fall into the enemy's hands. The way was now open 
for the conquest of western Asia, and Alexander descended 
into Syria. 

259. Leaving Darius to continue his flight to the east 

Alexander Unhindered, Alexander moved southward to take pos- 

whward. session of Phoenicia, Palestine and Egypt. The Persian 
fleet, made up chiefly of Phoenician vessels, was master of 
the sea and could be subdued only by getting possession 
of the Phoenician seaports. City after city submitted 

Tyre. Until Tyre was reached. Situated on an island, strongly 

fortified, it held out for seven months in one of the greatest 
sieges of history. The king built a mole to the island half 
a mile into the deep, and, by the aid of the fleets of the 
cities of Phoenicia and Cyprus that had yielded to him, 
finally carried the city by assault. A similar siege at Gaza 
was successful; the way was open to Egypt, which he 
occupied without a battle. 

The Jews. 260. While on the way down the coast, as the story is 
told by Josephus the Jewish historian, he visited Jerusa- 
lem. After the overthrow of their kingdom and their 
exile to Babylon (§ 80), the Jews had been permitted by 
Cyrus to return and rebuild their city and temple (538 B.C.) 
Since that time they had been under Persian rule and had 
devoted themselves to the upbuilding of their religious 
system under the leadership of their High-Priests. They 



Alexandria 



213 



had suffered much from their neighbors, the Samaritans, 
but were faithful to the law of Moses as their teachers 
enlarged and explained it. As Alexander advanced to 
the city, the high-priest with his attendants came forth to 
meet him. The king, who was at first inclined to be angry 
with the Jews for not taking his side, was led by a vision 
which he had seen some time before to give them special 
favors. 

261. In Egypt Alexander's chief work was the founding Egypt. 
of a city at the western mouth of the Nile, between the 



AL£XA]!)IDSIA, at the time of Christ. 

1 Temple of Arterm* U Temple of Serapis and Isis 

2 Rojal Buildines _ 12 TimuaUira 

3 Secret Royal Navy f ards 13 Phatus Tower 

4 Rojal Harbor 14 Temple of Mercury 
R Royal BuildiDff i^ (i,~^„.!...„ 
6 Navy Tarda 
" Temp! 

Library 
9 Museum 
10 Tyohaeum 




Mareotic lake and the island of Pharos. Joining the 
island with the mainland by a causeway, he made two fme 
harbors for the city, which he named after himself and Founding 
destined to take the place of ruined Tyre as the commer- °^J^l^' 
cial centre of the western Mediterranean. This destiny 
was fulfilled, for Alexandria became one of the most im- 
portant cities of the ancient world. 



214 



The Empire of Alexander 



To the 
East. 



Arbela. 



Capture 
of the 
Persian 
Capitals. 



Pursuit of 
Darius. 



262. A visit to the temple of Zeus Amon in the western 
desert, where the god declared him his own son and there- 
fore rightful heir to the Egyptian throne (§ 21), was fol- 
lowed by the organization of the government of Egypt. 
By the spring of 331 B.C. Alexander started for the far 
east. In September he found the Persian king awaiting 
him with a vast army, east of the Tigris, near the old 
Assyrian city of Arbela (§ 68). This city, or the nearer 
village of Gaugamela, has given the name to the battle 
which was joined on the first of October. Over against 
the Macedonian's 40,000 foot and 7,000 horse were said 
to be arrayed a million foot and 40,000 horse under the 
command of the Great King — a motley host mighty only 
by sheer weight and momentum. Alexander's tactics 
were directed to the breaking up of this tremendous mass 
and the routing of the enemy's centre, where Darius had 
taken his stand. A cavalry charge led by Alexander him- 
self was the decisive stroke, and by nightfall the Persians 
were in flight. The king escaped into the eastern moun- 
tains, but his empire over the Mesopotamian valley was 
utterly lost. Alexander never had to fight another great 
battle against the Persians. He marched southward to 
Babylon, which opened its gates without a struggle, then 
eastward into Elam and the old Persian land (§ 83), 
where he captured the cities of Susa and PersepoHs 
— capitals and treasure-cities of the Persian king. One 
hundred and twenty thousand talents were said to have 
been obtained from the latter city. 

263. In 330 B.C. the conqueror marched northward into 
Media in pursuit of Darius. He arrived at Ecbatana, 
the old Median capital, only to find that the Persian had 
fled eastward. Alexander was now at the parting of the 



Alexander's New Ambition 215 

ways. He had taken vengeance for the Persian invasion 
of Greece. He had torn from the Persian king the fairest 
of his dominions — the richest, most famous and cukured 
districts of the Oriental world. To the east lay the unknown 
regions, deserts and mountains, whence the Medes and 
Persians had come to conquer the world. Why should The New 
he advance farther? Only because a new purpose had and'^itT 
taken shape in his mind — that he would be not only king solution, 
of Macedonia and captain-general of the Greeks, but also 
lord of the Persian Empire. To unite the west and the 
east under his own sway was now his ambition. Hence, 
at Ecbatana, he dismissed those of the Greeks in his army 
who desired to return home and loaded them with pres- 
ents. Some of them, on his invitation, remained and re- 
enlisted as his own soldiers. With an army which no 
longer represented the Greek states, but obeyed him 
alone, he advanced to the conquest of the far east. 

264. Darius, meanwhile, had fallen into the power of 
his satraps, who were hurrying him eastward, where he 
might make a new and final struggle against the conqueror. 
Alexander put forth every effort to capture him, followed 
on his track day and night with his best soldiers, only at 

last to come upon him dead, killed by his own people. Death of 
What remained was to make a systematic campaign against ^""^" 
the eastern provinces. It required three years (330-327 conquest 
B.C.) of strenuous, heart-breaking warfare among deserts, pj e\ 
through wintry tempests, over lofty mountains. At last 
the work was fairly done and he was Persian Emperor in 
very fact, lord of the last foot of ground that had once ac- 
knowledged the authority of the Achemenidae. 

265. Alexander's purpose to be ruler of Persia did not 
mean to substitute Greek ideas and customs, or Greek 



216 



The Empire of Alexander 



Plan to 
Unite 

Greeks and 
Persians. 



The 
Opposition. 



Alexander's officials, for thosc of Pcrsia, but rather to unite the two 
peoples in a common Ufe. He placed Persians in charge 
of the civil affairs of the provinces, while he reserved the 
mihtary authority to the Macedonians. He began him- 
self to assume something of the gorgeous state of a Persian 
Emperor; he surrounded himself with the splendors of an 
Oriental court. He married Roxana, the beautiful daugh- 
ter of a chieftain of the far east. He settled his veterans 
in cities which he planted in these regions and gave them 
Orientals as fellow-citizens. All this could not be pushed 
through without rousing the anger of those bold and loyal 
Macedonians who had followed him through all perils 
as their national leader and who disdained the Orientals 
whom they had conquered. Discontent grew into secret 
plotting or open opposition on the part of Alexander's 
captains and counsellors. He stamped it out with merci- 
less rigor. Parmenio was put to death along with his son 
Philotas, who was discovered in a conspiracy. When 
Chtus, Alexander's foster-brother, at a drinking-bout 
boldly expressed the unspoken dissatisfaction, he ran him 
through with a spear. Callisthenes, the philosopher and 
historian, refused to do obeisance in the Oriental manner 
to his Macedonian lord, and not long after was punished 
with death. Such disturbances, with their bloody ven- 
geance, speak loudly of the tremendous changes which 
were coming over the face of the world and not less over 
the character and position of Alexander himself. The 
horizon was spreading out too w^ide and the problem was 
becoming too complicated for any but Alexander to grasp, 
and he ran the danger of losing his own soul in the struggle. 
266. One more step remained for him to take. Greece 
and the Persian Empire were not sufficient for his am- 



Its Pun- 
ishment. 




Keference to Colors. T;' 

over 9,000 feet \ 
3,000 to 9,000 feet ^'^ 
600 to 3,000 feet 
Sea Level to 600 feet 



Union of Greeks and Persians 217 

bition. He aspired to be conqueror of the world. In 
327 B.C. he crossed the mountains into India, whither the campaign 
Persians had already gone before him (§90). He overran '"^"'^'^• 
the valley of the river Indus, won a victory from the Indian 
king Porus, and would have marched eastward to the 
river Ganges had not his army refused to follow him into 
these unknown and distant regions. Returning, he moved 
down the Indus to its mouth, and made a voyage into the 
Indian ocean. He took his army up the coast in a march 
of terrible difficulty, ordered his fleet to follow by sea, and 
reached Susa early in 324 B.C. 

267. Hardly had he returned from his Indian campaign Develop- 
when he plunged into the task of organizing his Empire ^"gdai 
on the lines which he had planned. The union of Mace- i^^^as. 
donians and Persians was encouraged by his taking as 
another wife the daughter of Darius, and inducing his 
nobles likewise to marry Persian women. Others of his 
officers and soldiers who made such marriages were richly 
rewarded. The army was also recruited from Persians; 

a large number of their young men were trained in Mace- 
donian tactics and in the use of Greek weapons. Their 
best horsemen were drafted into the cavalry; some were 
even enrolled in the crack Macedonian regiments. The 
hostility to these measures was pretty well broken down. 
It flamed out for the last time at Opis, when the king pro- 
posed to send ten thousand worn-out Macedonian veterans 
home to their native land. Thereupon the whole army 
cried out to be sent home rather than be levelled down to 
the Persians. But the uproar was soon quieted. They 
were too much attached to their leader to stand out against 
his will. 

268. Alexander went to Babylon in 323 B.C. and was 



218 



The Empire of Alexander 



Alexander 
at Babylon. 



His Death. 



Alexander 

Supreme 

among 

Greek 

Heroes. 



met by embassies from Carthage, the Phoenician colonies 
in Spain, the states of Italy, from the Ethiopians and 
Libyans, from the outlying peoples of the north, all of 
whom, it seems, expected sooner or later the advent of 
the conqueror upon their borders. He himself was plan- 
ning an expedition to the coast of Arabia, with the design 
of developing trade routes from India and Babylonia to 
Egypt and the Mediterranean. But, after a night of 
feasting and drinking, he was taken ill. The fever in- 
creased, and on the thirteenth of June, 323 B.C., he 
passed away in the thirty-third year of his age. 

269. Alexander is the flower of the Greek race, the su- 
preme figure in its gallery of heroes. In physical strength 
and beauty, in mental grasp and poise, in moral purpose 
and mastery, he was pre-eminent among the men of his 
time. Of high, almost sentimental, ideals of honor, a 
warm-hearted, genial companion and friend, the idol 
of his troops, fearless even to recklessness in the day of 
battle, he knew how to work tirelessly, to hold purposes 
with an iron resolution, to sweep all opposition from his 
path, and to deny himself pitilessly for the fulfilment of 
his plans. To reach so high a station, to stand alone at 
the summit of human achievement, was for so young a 
man almost fatally dangerous. Alexander did not escape 
unharmed. Power made him sometimes arbitrary and 
cruel. Opposition drove him to crimes which are without 
excuse. Yet in an age of license he was chaste; though 
given to Macedonian habits of deep drinking, he was no 
drunkard. In thirteen years of incessant activity he mas- 
tered the world and set it going in new paths. While 
accomplishing this task he made his name immortal. 

270. The greatness of Alexander as a general is clearly 



PLATE XI 




Sophocles 




Socrates 





Pericles 




The Aphrodite of Melos 




An Alexandrian Greek 
TYPICAL GREEK HEADS 



Alexander as a Statesman 219 

revealed in the full accounts of the battles he fought and His 
the campaigns he carried through to success. He was the J?'^^!^''^ 
mightiest conqueror the world had ever seen. But it has 
been reserved for modern scholars to emphasize the most 
splendid and enduring elements of his career : his genius for 
organization, his statesmanship, his far-reaching plans of His states- 
government and administration. Like all his great pre- ""^"^^'p- 
decessors in the field of arms, he was no mere fighter for 
the sake of fighting, nor did the lust of acquisition spur him 
on to useless and empty conquests. The crowning and 
decisive proof of this is seen in the cities which he founded. Founding 
No conquest was complete until he had selected sites for °^ ^'^'^^' 
new settlements, and these sites were chosen with an un- 
erring insight into the opportunities for trade as well as 
for defence. Sixteen Alexandrias all over the East go back 
to him as founder, the greatest of which was the Egyptian 
metropoHs (§261). It is said that he founded in all 
some seventy cities. Many of them were so wisely planted 
that they exist to this day as flourishing centres of com- 
mercial life. They were organized on Greek models and 
reflected Greek civihzation. 

271. The supreme achievement of Alexander was the Alexander's 
Empire and the ideas it represented. Its extent was the ™^*"' 
widest that the world had seen. The scheme of adminis- unified, 
tration, although not known in detail, appears to have 
been singularly adapted to bind all parts together in subor- 
dination to the central authority. One vital feature of it 
was the division of the provincial government into three 
parts, financial, mihtary, civil; each one of these was as- 
signed to a separate official; all were of the same rank and 
were responsible to the king alone. The ideal of a world- Worid- 
state was more fully realized than ever before. From this 



220 



The Empire of Alexander 



Filled with 
the Greek 
Spirit. 



Centred 
in Alex- 
ander. 



It Involved 
the Loss of 
Greek 
Freedom. 



point of view the importance of the oceans and seas sur- 
rounding his world was emphasized by the king, who by 
his explorations greatly extended the geographic knowl- 
edge of antiquity. He paid particular attention to the 
commercial unity of his Empire and the development of 
trade between its various parts. The populations of the 
Empire were brought together in an extraordinar}' fashion. 
Greek culture especially was introduced throughout the 
Orient, whereby all Hfe was raised to a higher plane. Like- 
wise the Greek idea of government, as intended to secure 
justice and seek the best interests of the citizen, charac- 
terized this Empire and made it distinctly higher than those 
that had gone before. Above all, it was unique and su- 
perior to its predecessors because it was Alexander's Em- 
pire — it centred in a splendid personality. How different 
was the case in Oriental empires (§ 91)! Now for the 
first time the Greek idea of the individual and his impor- 
tance in the world (§ 120) took its seat in his person upon 
the throne. It is no chance that so many sayings of his are 
preser\'ed; that so many legends have gathered about 
his name. The Empire was his creation and was held 
together in him. His portrait appears upon its coins; 
worship was offered to him as to a god, the symbol of uni- 
versal authority. 

272. We must not forget at what a cost this advance 
was made. The petty world of Greece with its quarrels 
of Uttle states passed away. Its immortal achievements 
in poUtics, art and Hterature were made the possession of 
east and west. But the poHtical freedom of Greece was 
lost. The great new world had its hfe and its law from 
the lips of one lord ; it depended on his will and bowed be- 
fore him. Alore men were better governed, had greater 



The Passing of Greece 221 

prosperity and higher culture. The price paid for it all 
was the disappearance from the Graeco- Oriental world of 
the free state in which the citizen made and kept the laws, 
and was at the same time ruler and ruled. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts 

at Empire. 
3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors. 

(i) Alexander's Empire: Alexander King of Macedonia (prepara- 
tion, relation to Greece, attitude toward Persia)— his advance 
against Persia (condition of Persia, battles in Asia Minor, march 
southward to Eg>'pt, eastward, Arbela and after)— the new problem 
and its solution (death of Darius, far eastern campaigns, Mace- 
donian opposition put down, Alexander Emperor of the world, 
India) — imperial ideas and manners — death — estimate as man, 
general and statesman — what it meant to Greece. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: 
Granicus, Issus, Arbela, Tyre, Alexandria, Persepolis, Indus? 

2. What is meant by Achemenidae, High-Priest, phalanx? 

3. What is the date of the founding of Alexandria, of the death 
of Alexander? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Alexander with Alci- 
biades. 2. Compare the Empire of Alexander with that of 
Assyria, or Persia; with the Athenian Empire. 3. "No single 
personality, excepting the carpenter's son of Nazareth, has done 
so much to make the world we live in what it is as Alexander 
of Macedon." — Can you justify this assertion? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Alexander's 

Campaigns. Bury, pp. 747-821; Zimmern, ch. 21; Shuck- 
burgh, ch. 20; Mahaffy, Alexander's Empire, pp. 12-42; Morey, 
pp. 309-314. 2. Alexander's Empire. Mahafly, pp. 1-3; Bury, 
PP- 785-786, 793-794, 815-816; West, pp. 219-224; Morey, pp. 
322-323. 3. Alexander. Plutarch, Life of Alexander; Morey, 
pp. 314-316, 320; Bury, pp. 821-822. 



222 Empires of Alexander's Successors 



(2) THE 
SUCCES- 
SORS OF 
ALEX- 
ANDER. 



Attitude of 

His 

Generals. 



Their 
Rivalry. 



273. A more immediately serious defect of this personal 
rule of Alexander was that his Empire seemed likely to col- 
lapse at his death. He left no heir, though shortly after his 
death his wife Roxana bore a son, called, after his father, 
Alexander. The Macedonian nobles who had served 
under their great captain were the natural upholders of 
his Empire and the guardians of the heir to the throne. At 
first they sought loyally to fulfil this task. Alexander's 
most trusted heutenant, Perdiccas, was made head of the 
government and protector of the imperial system, until 
the youthful Alexander came of age; he associated with 
himself the other generals. Seleucus received an im- 
portant military post. Others were appointed governors 
of provinces — to Ptolemy * was assigned Egypt, to An- 
tigonus, Phrygia, to Lysimachus, Thrace, to Eumenes, 
Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, while Antipater (§ 255) 
was left in charge of Macedonia. Antipater' s son, Cas- 
sander, was also given a miHtary command. A danger- 
ous breach in Alexander's system was made in allowing 
the provincial governors to keep companies of soldiers 
under their own control. 

274. It soon appeared, however, that personal rivalries 
among these leaders would not permit them to five in peace 
with one another and be faithful to their trust. Hardly 
had the new arrangement gone into effect when quarrels 
broke out among them. They combined against each 
other in constantly varying groups, and the resulting wars 
brought the majority of them to their end. The ideal 
which tempted each of them was the recovery of the unity 
of the Empire under his own leadership, but the outcome 
of the unceasing battles and intrigues was its dissolution. 

* Pronounced tohvay. 



Greece under Alexander 223 

Perdiccas was soon slain by his own soldiers while endeav- 
oring to maintain control over the governors. Then An- Breaking 
tipater, Eumenes, Antigonus, Cassander and Lysimachus Empire. ^ 
in succession passed off the scene * Roxana and the young 
Alexander had been put to death. The Empire became 
the prey of the strongest. In fact, it ceased to exist any 
longer except as an ideal; the Macedonian leaders had 
already begun to call themselves kings of the various divis- 
ions over which they ruled. Thus Cassander had been 
King of Macedonia. Seleucus became King of Syria and 
the east. Ptolemy assumed royal power in Egypt. Hence- The Three 
forth the history of the Empire of Alexander gathered ^'"e'^°'"^- 
about the history of these three separate kingdoms. 

275. This dreary period of the breaking up of the Em- The Era 
pire and the formation of these kingdoms out of its frag- °^ ^*'"2^^*- 
ments lasted more than forty years. Its close may be dated 

at the death of Seleucus (280 B.C.), the last of those Mace- 
donian nobles who surrounded Alexander and helped him 
to create the Empire which after his death they had de- 
stroyed. 

276. During Alexander's career of world-conquest the Greece in 

' ° , ^ 1 • • •£• Alexander's 

poHtical importance of the old Greek states was msignih- E^pi^e. 
cant. All except Sparta had formally accepted Macedo- 
nian headship. Alexander had done his utmost to show 
them honor and grant them freedom to manage their 
own affairs. Athens, especially, had profited by this 
favor, and under the leadership of Phocion had loyally Prosperity 

' ,. , , -1 -1. of Athens. 

kept the peace. Not only did her material prosperity 
increase, but her intellectual influence became more Aristotle. 

*One decisive battle of the time was that of Ipsus, 301 B.C., in which 
the attempt of Antigonus to become master of the Empire was defeated 
and he himself was killed. 



224 Empires of Alexander s Successors 

splendid. Aristotle, the tutor of Alexander, had come 
to Athens upon his pupil's accession to the throne, and 
Compared from 334 B.C. to 323 B.C. he taught philosophy in the 
Plato. Lyceum in that city. He had been a pupil of Plato 

(§ 239), but in his temperament, his method, and his 
conclusions he departed widely from his master. Plato 
was a poet, full of imagination, aiming after lofty 
ideals which he saw by a kind of inspired vision. Aris- 
totle was a cool and cautious thinker, seeking the meaning 
student of of the world by a study of things about him, not satisfied 
until he brought everything to the test of observation. Thus 
he investigated the laws which governed the arts of rhetoric 
and poetry; he collected the constitutions of many Greek 
states and drew from them some general principles of 
politics; he studied animals and plants to know their 
structure; he examined into the acts and ways of men to 
determine the essence of their right- and wrong-doing. He 
set his students to this kind of study and used the results 
of their work. Thus a new method of investigation was 
created and new light thrown on all sides of Hfe. A most 
learned man, he had a passion for truth and reason; one of 
his most famous sayings is " Plato and truth are both dear ^ 
to me, but it is a sacred duty to prefer truth." His works. 
His especially his Politics^ Ethics^ and Poetics, have had vast 

ntings. pQ^gj- in guiding the thinking of men since his day. His 
style is usually dry and difficult, though his Constitution of 
Athens, discovered in an Egyptian papyrus in 1890, is 
more readable. His interest in universal knowledge was 
in harmony with the wider world-view opened by the con- 
His quests of Alexander; in this respect he is a true son of his 

and Nar- timcs. His political ideas, however, are narrow and show 
rowness. t^^t evcu he did not fully grasp the significance of his great 



Antipater and the Greeks 225 

pupil's achievement. His ideal state consists of not more 
than twenty thousand citizens, none of whom engage in 
commerce and trade. He regarded the Orientals as an 
inferior people, fit only for slavery. 

277. The Greeks were not satisfied with their political 
inferiority, even though it was compensated for by peace Revolt 
and the recognition of their intellectual leadership. The MlTedonia 
news of Alexander's death was the signal for rebellion. 
Athens led the struggle for freedom against Antipater 

(§ 273), and was joined by other Greek states. At first Lamian 
fortune favored them. Antipater was shut up in Lamia ^^'"' 
(from this city the war was called the Lamian War). But 
he succeeded in escaping and defeated the Greeks in a 
battle at Crannon (322 B.C.); the collapse of their con- 
federacy followed. In the punishment that was meted 
out, Athens suffered most. Her constitution was changed 
by depriving the poorer citizens of the franchise ; a Mace- 
donian garrison was placed in the harbor of Munychia; 
the leaders of the rebellion were put to death. It was at 
this time that Demosthenes cheated his executioners by 
taking poison (322 B.C.). Similar severe measures fol- 
lowed against the other states. Never before had Mace- 
donian power so brutally emphasized its lordship over 
Greece. Only the iEtolians in their mountain-valleys 
escaped punishment, because Antipater was compelled to 
turn his attention to the east. 

278. It would have been better for Greece, if, in the Greece in 
struggles for empire that followed, she had sunk into entire AiexYnder°I 
insignificance. But this was not possible. Her strategic Generals, 
position in the Mediterranean, her commercial importance, 

her value as a recruiting ground for mercenaries, the fasci- 
nation of her intellectual superiority and the splendor of 



226 Empires of Alexander s Successors 



The New 
Elements 
in the 
Situation. 



The New 
Nationali- 
ties. 



The Mio- 
lian and 
Achaean 
Leagues. 



her civilization, drew every one of the successors of Alex- 
ander with magnetic power to her shores. Her land be- 
came the battle-ground, the prize for which all were con- 
tending. Everything was done to win her cities; they 
were courted by all parties; gifts were made to them; 
freedom was promised them. Thus they were continually 
thrown into confusion, and the promises made them were 
soon seen to be merely means for this or that conqueror 
to rule them. Party strife raged without any hopeful out- 
look; the real power was in the hands of the kings, who 
alternately cajoled and threatened them. 

279. Three new things, however, appear out of this 
confusion, (i) New nationalities rise to play their part 
in Greek Hfe; (2) The spirit of freedom is roused to new 
energy; (3) This spirit is embodied in a new form of politi- 
cal life — many cities and districts unite in Leagues to de- 
fend and maintain their freedom. 

280. Of these new nationalities the most important were 
the Achaeans, the ^Etolians and the people of Epirus. The 
Achaeans lived in cities on the southern coast of the Corin- 
thian gulf; the iEtoHans and Epirotes in northwestern 
Greece. None of them had taken any real part in Greek 
pohtics in the preceding centuries. The Achaeans and 
iEtolians organized as leagues. The league of the former 
consisted of ten cities; that of the latter was made up of 
districts. A national assembly, consisting of all the citi- 
zens, met once or twice a year to dehberate on common 
interests and to elect officers. The chief officer was called 
the General. He had large powers and managed affairs, 
assisted by other officials. Every city or district remained 
a distinct state in charge of its own local affairs, but the 
relations to outside powers, the making of war or peace, 



PLATE Xil 




The Greek Temple at Paestum 




A Roman Temple in Gaul 
CLASSICAL TEMPLES 



The Rise of Epirus 227 

were determined by the national assembly. A senate pre- 
pared business for the assembly. These leagues threw 
themselves vigorously into Greek poHtics; they became 
the centres of Greek defence against outside interference; 
they v^ere the last bulv^ark of Greek freedom. Another 
league of a somewhat different type was that organized 
about the island of Rhodes. Its purpose was to protect League of 
Greek commerce. The first code of maritime law was ^^°^®^' 
issued by this confederacy and became the standard for all 
later time. 

281. The events of the last half century (350-300 B.C.), Rise of 
especially the rise of the neighboring country of Mace- -^p""^^* 
donia, had brought Epirus into the sphere of Greek Hfe 

and stimulated its kings to play a part in politics. These 
kings claimed descent from Achilles, of Trojan fame, who 
was worshipped with divine honors. Their ambitions 
came to a head in King Pyrrhus (295-273 B.C.), a reso- King 
lute, vigorous but unstable ruler, whose mihtary skill and 
daring won for him from his people the title of "the Eagle 
of Epirus." At first he threw himself into the conflicts 
which gathered about the possession of Macedonia after 
Alexander's death, and at one time he was practically its 
ruler. Then he turned himself to the west and crossed 
the Adriatic to gain renown and lands in Italy and Sicily 
as the representative and defender of the western Greeks. 
(280 B.C.). 

282. In Sicily the troubles that followed the death of the The Fort- 
elder Dionysius (§ 222) were brought to an end by a si^iiy° 
general, sent to Syracuse from Corinth, named Timoleon, 

who overthrew the tyrants, beat back the Carthaginians 
and restored order and prosperity (345-337 B.C.). After 
his death, strife was renewed, out of which emerged a new 



228 Empires of Alexander's Successors 

Agatho- leader, Agathocles, who became master of Syracuse in 
^^^^' 316 B.C. After a long and fierce war with Carthage, which 

again sought to overpower the Sicilian Greeks, he came off 
victorious in 305 B.C. Then he took the title of king and 
ruled Sicily with vigor and success until his death in 289 B.C. 
Violent in his treatment of his enemies, and not shrinking 
from the use of any means to establish his power, the king 
maintained the Greek supremacy in Sicily before the ag- 
gressive Carthaginian might, and stands among the most 
potent personalities of his time. Ptolemy of Egypt (§ 274) 
gave him his daughter in marriage, and his own daughter 
was married to Pyrrhus of Epirus. After his death his 
empire fell to pieces, and Greek tyrants in the various 
cities as well as the Carthaginian invader again appeared 
on the scene. 
Greater 283. As Greek Sicily was threatened by Carthage, so 

andTts ^^^ Greek cities of eastern Italy were in constant danger 
Problems, from the native peoples among whom they were planted. 
Rich and prosperous as they were, they could not unite in 
their own defence, and hence separate cities were compelled 
from time to time to seek help from abroad. One of these 
cities, Tarentum, the greatest and wealthiest of them all 
at this time, was threatened by the Romans (§ 191) who, 
victorious over enemies round about them, had extended 
their sway far into southeastern Italy. To ward off this 
Pyrrhus danger, the Tarentines invited Pyrrhus to . come to their 
aid. He accepted their invitation, for it opened to him new 
scenes of adventure and new opportunities for power. In 
the spring of 280 B.C. he appeared in Italy with an army of 
twenty thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry, two 
thousand bowmen, five hundred slingers and twenty ele- 
phants. At first he carried all before him in Italy and 



in Italy, 



The Keltic Invasion 229 

Sicily, but, as time wore on, his ambitious and ruthless 

temper alienated his friends; the unfavorable outcome of 

a battle with the Romans at Beneventum (275 B.C.), to- Defeated 

gether with the news of difficulties in Greece, led him to R^^^ns 

return thither the same year. Not long after, during a 

campaign in the Peloponnesus, he met his death in an 

attack upon Argos (273 B.C.). 

• 284. The year 280 B.C. marks not merely the passing 

of the generation of Alexander (§ 273), but a sudden and 

terrific disturbance in the Greek world about the i^gean 

sea. This was caused by the violent descent upon its 

northern borders of the Kelts, or Galati, a strange, rude, Greece 

vigorous and warlike people who had for a century been JjJJ KeuJ'^ 

pouring into the upper Balkan peninsula. Down they came 

into the very heart of Greece. Only the vigorous efforts of 

the states of Middle Greece led by the ^Etolian League 

halted them near Delphi and drove them back. Their 

hordes also swept over Thrace, crossed the Hellespont and 

entered Asia Minor. There they estabHshed themselves in 

the centre of the land and formed a new state, called Gala- Gaiatia. 

tia. It lay right across the direct road from the east to 

the west and was a permanent hindrance to the reunion 

of the separated parts of the Empire. 

285. The splitting up of the Empire was most complete Kingdoms 
in Asia Minor, where, besides the Galatian state, there ^1110^ 
were half a dozen separate kingdoms and a number of 
free cities. The chief kingdom was that which had its 
seat in the city of Pergamum, whose kings, Eumenes I Pergamum. 
(263-241 B.C.) and Attalus I (241-197 B.C.), extended 
its boundaries and brought it to high prosperity. It 
was a home of art. Here was produced the well-known its Art. 
** Dying Gladiator," which is more properly called the 



230 Empires of Aleocander's Successors 



Pontus. 



Free Cities. 



The King- 
dom of 
Syria. 



"Dying Gaul," as it was wrought to commemorate the 
victory of Attalus over the Kelts, or Gauls. The grand 
altar of Pergamum was decorated with a splendid frieze 
representing the struggle of the gods and the giants. Full 
of vigor and vitality, it is inferior to the work of the classic 
age only in the lack of simplicity and grace. In the free 
city of Rhodes was produced during this age the famous 
group of ''Laocoon and his Sons," the beauty and power 
of which is marred by the too violent expression of phys- 
ical suffering. 

286. Another important kingdom was that of Pontus 
in northeastern Asia Minor, which, under its king, Mith- 
ridates II, made wide conquests in that region. The 
free cities were situated for the most part on the sea-coasts 
and united in leagues or put themselves under the pro- 
tection of larger states for the maintenance of their inde- 
pendence. Such were Byzantium, Lampsacus, Smyrna, 
Chios and Rhodes. 

287. The kingdom which Seleucus founded in the East 
(§ 274) dates from 312 B.C., the so-called Era of Seleucus, 
and became the greatest of those carved out of Alexander's 
Empire. It extended from India to the eastern Mediter- 
ranean and from the Indus to the northern mountains. 
The capital was placed at Antioch, in Syria, on the O routes 
river. This fact shows that its kings were more interested 
in the west than in the east. It was called the Kingdom 
of Syria. Seleucus was followed by his son, Antio- 
chus I (281-261 B.C.), and he by other kings of his family 
called, respectively, by the names Antiochus or Seleucus. 
All adopted most consistently the policy of Alexander in 
founding cities on the Greek model. Seleucus I is said 
to be responsible for seventy-five such cities. By them 



The Kingdom of Egypt 231 

Greek ideas and life were persistently diffused throughout 
the kingdom. 

288. In this state a new idea of Kingship was set forth, The Syrian 
which found its basis in the personal qualities of the ruler ^ng°hip 
and his service to the state, rather than in his hereditary- 
right or in his being chosen by the gods for Kingship. The 

idea was encouraged by theories of religion represented 
by the philosopher Euhemerus, who held that the gods 
were only men deified for their heroic and useful deeds. 
Hence the kings of this age did not hesitate to claim 
and receive divine honors for themselves. They were 
worshipped as gods. 

289. The kings of Syria had great difficulty in main- Loss of the 
taining their authority in the far east. There two prov- ^^^ ^*^*' 
inces soon grew into independent states. These were 
Bactria and Parthia. In the latter, the first great king PartWa. 
was Arsaces, who took the throne in 250 B.C. Even 

before this time the provinces of India had been lost to 
Syria. 

290. In the west, Syria was constantly at war with the 
second great kingdom of Alexander's Empire founded by The King- 
Ptolemy in Egypt (§ 274). Each of his successors was gg^pt 
also named Ptolemy, and the state is, therefore, often called 

the Empire of the Ptolemies. Its capital was at Alexandria The 
(§ 261). The rule of the early Ptolemies showed consid- ^*°^^™**^^- 
erable statesmanship and resulted in remarkable prosper- 
ity. The natives were left undisturbed in their old religion 
and local customs, the kings only requiring from them un- 
bounded quantities of grain. The real interest of the commer- 
kings was in commerce. Alexandria was made the centre op^ment ^ ' 
of an extensive trade between east and west. From Arabia 
and India the goods were brought over the Red sea and 



Wars with 
Syria. 



Culture 
under the 
Ptolemies. 

Alexandria 
its Centre. 

The 
Museum. 



Pastoral 
Poetry. 



232 Empires of Alexander's Successors 

through the ship-canal connecting it with the Nile to the 
capital; thence they were shipped to all the western 
ports. This commerce required the Ptolemies to control 
the sea and they sought to possess the important trading 
centres on the Mediterranean. In the east this brought 
them into conflict with Syria for the possession of Pales- 
tine and Phoenicia. During the most of this century they 
were able to hold these lands. Likewise they were prom- 
inent in the ^Egean sea. They held Cyprus and were in 
league with many of the free cities of Asia Minor and 
Greece. Thus they possessed a veritable Empire. 

291. Such a commercial state, so closely associated 
with the larger Greek world, could not but afford oppor- 
tunity for the growth of culture. Thus the kingdom of 
the Ptolemies developed a rare and brilliant literary and 
scientific life. It had its centre in Alexandria and was 
studiously encouraged by the kings. Here they founded 
the famous Museum, a group of buildings where a com- 
pany of scholars were supported by the state and devoted 
themselves to literature and investigation. In the Museum 
was the library, containing 532,000 manuscripts collected 
from all the world. The Museum was not a university, 
but a home of scholars who occupied themselves with their 
own literary and scientific pursuits. Philology, math- 
ematics and the study of nature and art chiefly engaged 
them. Poets praised the kings in courtly and finished 
verse, or imitated and collected the works of the great 
masters of the classic age. Yet a fresh and original form 
of poetry was produced by Theocritus, whose praise of 
pastoral life is expressed so naturally and exquisitely as to 
give him lasting fame. In his delicately wrought back- 
ground of SiciHan country-Hfe, with its fountains, shady 



The Macedonian Kingdom 



233 



oaks, stalwart shepherds, graceful maidens, vineyards, 
woodland flowers and murmuring bees, he set his simple 
scenes of rustic love. In them the worldly and sated 
Alexandrians found intense delight and refreshment. 
Thus in the realm of poetry a new and rich field was dis- 



c;;9thule 




THE AVOKtD 

Accordlnic to Eratosthenes 
SOO B. C 



covered — called the Pastoral. The Ptolemies also intro- 
duced Egyptian religion to the world in the goddess Isis ReKgion. 
and the god Serapis, whose worship, full of mystery and 
splendor, spread very widely. 

292. The third of the kingdoms, that of Macedonia, The King- 
was beset by more obstinate difficulties than those which J?™ °^ . 

•' Macedonia 

troubled the others. There was a longer fight about 
who should be king; it was finally settled by a descend- 
ant of Alexander's general, Antigonus (§ 273), Antigonus 
Gonatas, who ruled from about 280 B.C. and left the 
throne to his descendants. Another hindrance lay in the 
persistent opposition of the Greek cities to the overlord- 
ship of Macedonia. In this struggle the AchcTan League 
(§ 280) ran a brilliant career. About 280 B.C. it came 



Activity of 
the 

Achaean 
League. 



The 

JEtoliSLTl 

League. 



Intellectual 
Progress at 
Athens. 



Schools of 
Philosophy. 



The Stoic. 



234) Empires of Alexander s Successors 

forward as the defender of freedom in the Peloponnesus. 
In a few years most of the leading cities, except Athens and 
Sparta, united with it. Under Aratus of Sicyon, who, 
from 245 B.C. onward, was chosen "general" sixteen times, 
it reached its highest point. Even Sparta under its heroic 
king, Cleomenes, was ready to join it. But Aratus opposed 
him and war ensued, in the course of which Aratus be- 
trayed the league by calhng in Macedonia. The outcome 
was the mastery of both Cleomenes and Aratus by the 
Macedonians. Cleomenes fled to Egypt, where he per- 
ished ; Aratus, at first in high favor with Macedonia, was at 
last poisoned by the Macedonian king, PhiHp V, in 213 B.C. 
Even under the vigorous and patriotic Philopoemen the 
league continued in alliance with Macedonia and contrib^ 
uted little to the defence of Greek freedom. The ^Etolian 
League was another flourishing bulwark of defence, but 
jealousies between the two leagues still further hindered 
their service. The other cities also were too jealous of 
their own rights to work heartily in accord with the leagues 
for their common freedom. 

293. This poHtical turmoil did not hinder the progress 
of art and literature for which Athens in the third century 
stood pre-eminent. That city became the real university 
of the world, whither students flocked to study philosophy. 
Two leading schools of thought divided their suffrages. 
The one was founded by Zeno (340-265 B.C.), who taught 
in the Stoa poilike or "Painted Porch," in the heart of the 
city, a way of life and thought which was called Stoicism. 
He held that, in the midst of the seeming confusion of 
things about us, there was a real order, governed by un- 
changeable laws; that the secret of life consists in seeing 
this order and obeying it. The chief word of this philoso- 




a, 
a, 
-5 



P^ 






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yjr, / 





a, 



'X 



Stoicism and Epicureanism 235 

phy was 'Wirtue," and he is the "wise man" who strives 
after it. Everything else is unimportant; even life itself 
is not worth living, if virtue cannot be realized. Virtue 
can be found in one's own soul, in that "reason" which is 
man's way of expressing the order of the universe. All 
men everywhere in whom "reason" or "virtue" rules 
are brothers. On the other hand, Epicurus (341-270 The Epi- 
B.c.) taught that true virtue is found in "happiness," *^""^"- 
everything that contributes to make man happy should 
be sought, while all that is disturbing should be avoided. 
Hence, to him religion, which spoke of reward and 
punishment from the gods above, was harmful and 
should be aboHshed. This philosophy was called after 
its founder Epicureanism. Both systems are illustra- 
tions of the broad cosmopoHtan spirit of the age, which 
recognized no bounds of city or race. They had a very 
wide influence in this age and in the centuries following. 
In Athens, also, the third century saw the birth of the 
New Comedy, which, unHke the political plays of Aris- The New 
tophanes (§ 200), took as its theme the affairs of every- °™^ ^' 
day life and handled them in a spirited, keen, sympathetic 
and delightful way. The shady side of contemporary 
manners was usually shown up, but in a fashion to ridi- 
cule vice and applaud virtue. Its chief representative 
was Menander (342-292 B.C.), only fragments of whose 
plays have been preserved. So sure was his touch and so 
true to reality that the ancients said of him: "Menander 
and Life, which of you is the imitator of the other?" 



236 Empires of Alexander s Successors 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW* 

II. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

I. The Beginnings of Greece and its Expansion. 2. The First Attempts 
at Empire. 

3. The Empires of Alexander and His Successors. 

(i) Alexander's Empire. (2) The Successors of Alexander: Who 
shall succeed Alexander? (his heir, his generals, their rivalry, 
empire breaks up in conflict) — Greece in Alexander's empire 
(Athens, the intellectual centre, Aristotle and his new note, the 
revolt on Alexander's death, Crannon) — Greece under his succes- 
sors a scene of struggle with a threefold outcome — Achaean and 
iEtolian leagues — Pyrrhus of Epirus — Sicily — Magna Graecia — 
Pyrrhus and Rome — the Keltic terror — kingdoms of Asia Minor 
(Pergamum and its art, Rhodes, Pontus) — kingdom of Syria (kings 
and kingship, wars) — kingdom of Ptolemies (commercial impor- 
tance, intellectual life, museum, poetry, religion) — kingdom of 
Macedonia (difiiculties, Achaean league, philosophy at Athens, 
new comedy) — summary of the age — the Roman shadow and its 
meaning. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. I. What events are connected with the 
names of Antipater, Seleucus, Pyrrhus, Aristotle, Antigonus 
Gonatas, Ptolemy, Philopoemen, Menander, Zeno, Agathocles? 
2. For what are the following noted: Galatia, Pergamum, 
Rhodes, Epirus, Tarentum? 3. What is meant by the 
Museum, Epicureanism, pastoral poetry, the Dying Gaul, the 
painted porch? 4. What is the era of Seleucus? 5. The 
significance of the year 280 b.c. 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Aristotle and Herodotus 
(§ 185) in respect to their views of history. 2. Compare the 
Leagues of this period with the Peloponnesian (§ 132) and the 
Delian (§§ 1 61-164) Leagues. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 

Struggles of Alexander's Generals. Mahaffy, pp. 43-75; Plu- 
tarch, Lives of Eumenes and Demetrius. 2. Greece under 

* This Outline includes §§ 294-295, which should be studied in con- 
nection with it. 



Outcome of the Period 237 

Alexander and His Successors. Bury, pp. 823-833; Shuck- 
burgh, pp. 300-305. 3. The Kingdoms of Alexander's Succes- 
sors. Mahaffy, pp. 89-95, 111-141, 156-162; Morey, pp. 317- 
319. 4. Pergamum and the Artistic Life of the Time. Morey, 
pp. 323-328; Tarbell, pp. 259-267. 5. Aristotle. Bury, 833- 
835; Capps, ch. 16; Jebb, pp. 129-135; Murray, pp. 373-376. 
6. The Moral Philosophers. Mahaffy, ch. 11; Shuckburgh, pp. 
306-307. 7. Alexandria and Egyptian Culture. Mahaffy, pp. 
120-131,142-155; Capps, ch. 18; Botsford, pp. 320-322; Morey, 
PP- 330-332. 8. The Keltic Terror. Mahaffy, ch. 8. 9. The 
Leagues of Greece. Mahaffy, ch. 18; Botsford, pp. 323-325; 
Shuckburgh, pp. 311-324. 10. Pyrrhus of Epirus. Plutarch, 
Life of Pyrrhus; Mahaffy, ch. 2. 

294. We have come to the end of an epoch — the period Summary 
of Alexander's Empire and the kingdoms that grew out °^^^^^^^- 
of it (331-200 B.C.). The important things about it to 
remember are: (i) the remarkable career of the young 
Alexander who brought the world to his feet in little more 
than ten years; (2) the still more remarkable ideas which 
underlay his conquest — the supremacy of the Greek ideal in 
the world and the blending of the Greek and the Oriental 
in a new imperial organization and civihzation; (3) the 
failure of his imperial organization at his death by the 
division of the Empire among his ambitious and self- 
seeking generals; (4) the great kingdoms that rose on the 
ruins; (5) the persistent presence of the imperial ideal 
which kept these kings fighting for the mastery; (6) the 
persistence of Greek freedom in the face of imperialism 
as illustrated in the leagues and free cities; (7) the slow 
but victorious advance of Alexander's ideal of a world 
of Graeco-Oriental civilization; (8) the splendid progress 
of Greek thought and art, inspired by this broader horizon 
and richer life — with Athens and Alexandria as its repre- 
sentatives. 



238 Empires of Alexander's Successors 

The 295. Upon the western horizon of this Greek world, 

R^me^°^ stretching from the Adriatic to the Indus, a shadow was 
slowly creeping up. The Italian city of Rome had been 
from time to time brought into touch with the Greeks 
and became more and more involved in their affairs. The 
western Greek cities lay on its border; its commerce in 
the western Mediterranean brought its ships to Sicily, 
and made the wars of Syracuse and Carthage its concern, 
i Pyrrhus had represented the Greeks in a fruitless war 

against its legions. Its shadow was, however, little noticed, 
because it had imperceptibly shaded off into the Greek 
sky. We have seen how its laws were copied after Greece 
(§191). It had a treasury at Delphi. Itsnavy in 229B.C. 
had punished the Illyrian pirates and seized their cities, 
thus making a part of the Greek peninsula Roman soil; 
but so signal a service to Greece had this been regarded 
that Greek cities sent their thanks to Rome for the exploit, 
and recognized these benefactors as of Greek lineage. A 
Ptolemy, in his will, made Rome the guardian of his son. 
Nor was it certain that the Roman shadow was not to be 
full of further blessing to this confused and warring Greek 
world. Many looked thither for rehef from the rivalries, 
the treacheries, the cruelties of cultured but ruthless kings 
Did it Mean and tyrants. Whether it was for good or ill, the future 
f!)r°Greece? ^^^ ^^ determine. The last and fatal step was taken when, 
in the war between Rome and Carthage, Philip V of 
Macedonia, in 213 B.C., threw in his lot with the Cartha- 
TheDe- giuians and declared war against Rome. With that the 
cisive step. ^^^^ ^£ ^^^ world chaugcs ; P ome comes on the scene and 
takes the foremost place; the history of Alexander's Em- 
pire merges into the history of the greater Mediterranean 
world under the leadership of Rome. 









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Summary of the Age 239 

GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 3; §§253-295 

331-200 B.C. 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. The main purpose mov- 
ing the leaders of world -history from 331-200 b.c: how far 
was the ideal realized in actual events? 2. A comparison as 
to origin, leaders, aims, problems and historical development 
of the three kingdoms rising out of Alexander's Empire. 

3. Course of the history of Greece proper from 331-200 b.c. 

4. The great epochs of contact between Persia and Greece from 
500 B.C. to the fall of the Persian Empire. 5. The dates of not 
more than six of the most important events of this age, with 
reasons for so regarding them. 6. How Aristotle, Theocritus, 
Zeno and Menander represent their age and its spirit. 7. The 
various important epochs in the history of Sicily. 8. The 
history of King Pyrrhus of Epirus as illustrative of the age 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Draw a map of Alex 
ander's Empire and place on it three cities founded by Alexan 
der; explain the advantages of their location. 2. Com 
pare the Laocoon (Plate IX) with the Hermes (Plate VIII) 
What are the differences — which is higher art — how does each 
represent the times in which it was produced? 3. Study the 
Greek Coins (Plate XV). Observe the development in them — 
what facts for Greek life and history in them — select the finest, 
with reasons for the selection. 

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. What Alexander's Empire 
Meant for World-History. 2. A Day in Alexandria, 250 b.c 
Kingsley, Alexandria and Her Schools; Mahaffy, Alexander's 
Empire. 3. Alexander as a General. 4. A Visit to the Philo- 
sophical Schools of Athens in the Year 275 b.c Capes, Univer- 
sity Life in Ancient Athens. 5. Alexander's Cities. 6. A Sketch 
of Alexander's Campaign in India. 7. The Career of Philopoe- 
men. Plutarch, Life of Philopoemen. 8. A Visit to Pergamum. 
Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, ch. 14. 9. A Study of the 
Constitution of the Achaean League. MahaflFy, Greek Life and 
Thought, ch. 16; Freeman, History of Federal Government, 
see index. 10. Write a series of notes, explaining the allusions 
to Greek history in Byron's "The Isles of Greece." 



«.. - -ti....^ 



III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

200 B.C.-A.D. 800 

PRELIMINARY SURVEY 

Italy and 296. The appcarancc of Rome in the East about the 
worir*^*^" year 200 B.C. shifts our attention from the lands which 
have hitherto occupied us and centres it upon the penin- 
sula of Italy. From an early period this land had come 
within the circle of ancient history. Back in the fifteenth 
century its sea-rovers reached the shores of Egypt and 
from that time took service in the armies of the Pharaohs. 
Phceni- The Phoenician merchants visited its coasts and estab- 
cians. lished trading posts round about it in Africa, Sicily, Sar- 

Greeks. diuia and Spain (§§ 56-58). Soon the Greeks found it 
out and drew its people into the sphere of their life and 
culture. They planted permanent settlements in Sicily, 
established a line of cities on its southeastern coast and 
even founded colonies on its western shore whence they 
exchanged their goods and gave their civihzation to its peo- 
ples (§§ 114-115). The heel of Italy was called Greater 
Greece, and a Greek Empire sprang up about the Sicihan 
city of Syracuse (§ 222). The wars that shook the Eastern 
world were felt in Italy; part of the Graeco-Persian strug- 
gle was fought in Sicily (§ 154), the strength of the Athe- 
nian Empire was broken by the disaster of Syracuse (§ 210). 
It is said that Alexander contemplated the conquest of 
Italy. We have seen how Pyrrhus attempted in vain to 
carve out for himself an empire on ItaHan soil (§ 283). 

240 




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Italian Geography 241 

The series of circumstances which led the states of the 
east to draw the Romans into their poUtical entanglements 
has already been referred to (§ 295). Thus, in turning 
to Italy, we turn not to a new and hitherto unknown land, 
but to one already attached to the larger historic world. 
Italy simply takes the central place; the former leaders 
become the followers; the west becomes the seat of the 
dynamo that supplies power to drive politics and civiliza- 
tion to higher achievements in a wider world. 

297. In its physical geography Italy combined the char- physical 
acteristics of both the Orient and Greece (§ 92), having ^j^jj^^^^ 
level and broad plains intersected by stretches of wild 
mountain-country, girt about and pierced by the sea on 
every side. It may be divided into four zones or belts, The Four 
three running side by side, the fourth placed straight ^°"^^' 
across their top. The central of the three parallel belts 
is the great bow of the Apennine mountain-range, some xheApen- 
eight hundred miles long, the back-bone and determining 
feature of all the rest. Starting far to the left at the head 
of the northwestern sea, it moves at first to the east, but 
soon swings to the south, broadening and rising as it ad- 
vances, until, in the centre of Italy, its summits reach the 
height of more than nine thousand five hundred feet and 
it becomes a highland of mingled valley and mountain, 
fifty miles wide. Thence it narrows and declines, as it 
sweeps toward the south and west, and is continued in the 
westward ranging mountains of Sicily and the projecting 
highlands of North Africa, less than a hundred miles away. 
Parallel to this long Apennine bow, on either side of it, 
are the two belts of eastern and western coast-land. The 
eastern belt in its upper and middle parts is narrow; the The Eastern 
sea lies close to the mountains, which fall off steeply into 



ern Slope, 



242 The Empire of Rome 

it; the rivers are mountain-torrents; harbors there are 
none, and the stormy winds of the Adriatic sweep along 
the inhospitable shores. To the south, as the mountains 
draw away, the plain widens out into a broad upland. 
The sea has broken into it along the mountain-side and 
left a broad promontory gently descending into the Medi- 

The West- tcrrancan to the southeast. The western belt, occupy- 
ing the concave side of the bow, has an exactly opposite 
character. Its upper and middle parts make a widening 
plain through which flow two considerable rivers, the 
Arno and the Tiber. The mountains slope off in gradual 
terraces to the sea; good harbors are found. Only in the 
lower portion, as the Apennines draw toward the south- 
west, does the plain narrow and at last disappear. The 

The North- Upper Apennines, in their eastern trend, form the southern 
boundary of the fourth belt, which lies east and west across 
the top of the other three. To the north of this belt runs 
the wall of the Alps, the western end of which was washed 
by the Mediterranean and its eastern slope by the head 
waters of the Adriatic. Through the district thus marked 
out between the Alps and the Apennines flowed two rivers. 
Far in the west rose the Padus (Po), which gathered the 
mountain-streams from south and north and swept in ever- 
increasing volume eastward to the Adriatic. From the 
northern Alps came down the Athesis (Adige) and reached 
the Adriatic not far north of the Po. Thus a rich 
and extensive basin was formed, a little world in itself, cut 
off from the north by the Alps and from the south by the 
Apennines. Entrance into it from west and north was 
not easy, but in the east the mountain-streams pouring into 
the Adriatic had brought down soil which they deposited 
in the sea, pushing it steadily back until a broad and open 



em Plain. 



Peoples of Italy 243 

pathway had been made, through which outsiders might 
come from the region of the Balkan peninsula. It was, 
in fact, by this approach that the Italian peninsula was 
entered and settled by its historic inhabitants. 

298. History has preserved no record of this incoming. The Peo- 
Only a comparison of the languages spoken by the peoples ^^^^^ 
reveals their relationship. The historically unimportant 
Ligurians, occupying the northwestern mountains about Ligurians. 
the Mediterranean, are set apart as a separate people, as 
are also the Etruscans, a strong and progressive race, who Etruscans, 
filled the wide upper plain on the inside of the Apennine 
bow from the mountains to the sea southward as far as the 
Tiber. The great mass of the remaining peoples spoke 
the dialects of a common speech which allies them to the 
historic inhabitants of the Balkan peninsula and Greece, 
the Indo-European (§ 9). On the lowest extremity of the 
eastern slope, Illyrians from across the sea had settled luyrians. 
under the name of the lapygians in the districts of Apu- 
lia and Calabria. To them were closely allied the Ven- 
eti in the far northeast, the latest comers. The rest of 
the peninsula was the home of the Itahan stock, of which itaUans. 
there were several branches. Of that in the southwest the 
most famous was the Latin people in the plain south of 
the Tiber; the inhabitants of Sicily belonged to the same 
branch. The mountaineers formed another vigorous 
branch, called, from their chief peoples, the Umbro-Sa 
bellians. The Umbrians Hved in the northern Apen 
nines overlooking Etruria; the Sabelhans were split into 
several tribes occupying the mountain-valleys of the centre 
and south. The most vigorous and numerous stock among 
them was the Samnites. The northern plain of the Po 
was the seat of mixed populations, a kind of vestibule for 



244 



The Einpire of Rome 



Kelts. 



peoples to enter and mingle before pushing on southward 
to permanent homes. Already the Kelts from the north 




maiMM,..,, ,^.^,^ 



THE DISTRIBUTION 

OF THE 

EARLIEST PEOPLES 

OF ITALY. 



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were the predominating element among them— ^a branch 
of the Indo-European family. 



Geography and History in Italy 245 

299. Italy, thrust like a limb from the trunk of Europe influence 
down into the Mediterranean, was given by its position Geography 
an important part to play in the Mediterranean world. onitsHis- 
Like Greece, it was in the pathway of history advancing 
westward. Yet, unlike Greece (§ 93), it did not invite 

and embrace its opportunity, but rather repelled it. Its 
eastern coast is inhospitable with forbidding mountains 
and an absence of harbors. To get at Italy you must reach 
its western coasts ; it faces the setting sun. On that side The west- 
are the broad plains and the harbors. Hence, westward- 
moving civilization was slow in getting round the barrier; 
it lingered long on the southeastern shores and in Sicily 
before moving up to the heart of the peninsula. Yet it is 
evident that the power which was to move Italy must be 
situated on its western side. 

300. In spite of the grim eastern shore, there was an The Prob- 
abundance of easy approaches to Italy. In the north, ^Senle. 
passes led down through the Alps, to the valley of the Po. 

The long coast-line of the west and south was open. This 
made a problem for Italy — the problem of defence against 
attacks from without which every political powxr that has 
held Italy has had to solve. How different was Greece 
in this respect. For Italy the solution of the problem 
depended on unity within and command of the sea. 

301. But unity within Italy was made difficult by the contrast of 
opposition of highland and plain. The wide Apennine ^^^ ^^^^ 
region was the home of vigorous tribes who envied the 
prosperity of the plain and sallied out from time to time 

to obtain their share in it — a proceeding which the plains- 
men did not relish and from which they must defend them- 
selves until the time came to settle once for all which should 
be master. 



246 



The Empire of Rome 



Origin of 302. Out of conditions such as these Rome emerged, 

^°°^®' a city on the bank of the Tiber, in the southern part of the 
western plain, equidistant from the sea and the mountains. 
It was made up of tribes of Latin stock united by mutual 
necessities and interests in a common city-state. Its 
origin and early history are veiled in mists of myth and 
legend through which actual history vaguely glimmers. 
But, from the first, the chief interest for the student of 
Its Historic Ancient History centres in the relation of Rome to sur- 
rounding peoples in ever-widening circles. These varying 
relations make the framework about which gathers the 
stately structure of its brilliant history. 



Secret. 



Epochs of 
its History 

(I) The 
Making of 
Rome. 



(a) Rome's 

Western 

Empire. 



303- We now trace its history in broadest outline. At first it is 
Italy that makes Rome; the forces that control and shape early Italy 
determine Rome's life. Chief among these was the expansion of the 
Etruscan communities. This placed a line of Etruscan kings in 
power at Rome to 500 B.C. The beginning of the fifth century saw 
the collapse of Etruscan power in Italy, which was followed by the 
overthrow of the Etruscan kings at Rome. Rome became an aristo- 
cratic republic like those of early Greece (§ 106). The new govern- 
ment soon made itself a power among the adjacent communities and 
steadily advanced to the headship among Italian states. The former 
relation was reversed; Rome became leader and mistress of the Ital- 
ian communities. Troubles with the Greeks of the southeast cul- 
minated in the war with Pyrrhus (§ 283), which resulted in the re- 
duction of Greater Greece under Roman authority. Thus by 265 B.C. 
Rome had united under her leadership, either as citizens or allies, 
most of the communities of Italy south of the Padus (Po). But, 
instead of bringing relief, this unity of Italy laid new demands upon 
Rome. The world of the western Mediterranean, of which Italy 
was a part, was dominated by the prosperous and aggressive city of 
Carthage (§58). The advance of Carthage into Sicily brought on 
war with Rome. In this war Rome was finally successful, after a 
long struggle. Carthage fell, and Rome now became ruler of the 
western Mediterranean lands, an imperial state (256-202 B.C.). But 



CHART OF ROMAN HISTORY 500-200 B.C. 



INTERNAL HISTORY 

Soocssiou of plobs tribune;) sranteil. 



Ii:..i I,;iw IMe 



EXTERNAL EVENTS 
■lOS Latin Leai'u„- eslablishecl. 
iKC, Leiigiie onioiiie with the Hernici. 
4'4 Teniporaiy iieiico with Veii. 



^ 454 Embassy tu GreocL- to study Greek La\v(?) 



li'.i Valerio-Honitian Lav/s. Coiiiitia Tiibuta established 
4 1.". Cannleiau Law. Iufermai-ria;;e between the orders. 
411 Consuhir Tribunes ^-lioseu. 



a; t?3 



3f)G Capture of Veii by Rome. 

300 Capture uf Home by tlie Gauln 



07 Ll.inioSexlian Laws. Consulship opened to plebs 
3r,4 Cinus erected. 
a.'C First plebeian ilictatur. 



35S Latin league renewed; Latins 
350 Gauls cease to be danserous t( 



subordinate. 
Italy. 



3J0 First jJlebeian Censor. 



331) Fublilian Law. Senate's a> 
Coniitia given before latter 



32-; First proconsul appointed. 



First 



ite War. 



it to measures of 



341 
340 

! Latin War. 
33S 
326 Second Saninite War. 

I 321 Battle of Caudine Fork > 



Ai)pius Clau.lius inc 
ilied citizens. 



niber of fully qua 



304 onicial calendar iiublished. 

300 Ogulnian Law. Priesthoods oi.en to plebs 



304 

2ilS Third Saninite AVar. 

j 29.'. Battle of Sentinum. 
2'.)0 Sanuiitesmade allies. 



Hortensian Law. Senati 
Coniitia not required. 



2X1 "War with I'yrrhus. 

J 27". Battle ofBeueventum 
272 Magna Grajcia subdued 
204 First Fuuii- War. 



! 1= i 

Keorgaiii/.ation of Coniitia Centiiriata(|)L, j^ " ! 

Tribes li.xed at thirty-live. >= j2 S i 

1 * to ' i 

Llill ! 



242 IJoman Victory at the -Egates Islands 
Sicily becomes the first Roman province. 



Province of Sardinia-Corsica 



!22 CoiHiuest of Cisalpine Gaul. 

IS Se.jond Piini, War. 

1 217 Battle of Lake Ti-asimenus 

I 210 Battle of Cannae. 

I 211 Romans take C.ipua. 

I 200 Romans take Tareiiiiim. 

' 20T Battle of the M.taurus. 

'" 202 Battle of Zaiiia. 



Outline of Roman History 247 



she could not stop here. Commerce linked the western to the east- 
ern Mediterranean, and the wars with Carthage had already brought 
Rome into difficulties with the king of Macedonia. All things drove 
Rome forward to take part in the affairs of the east. A period of 
seventy years follows (202-133 B.C.), during which Macedonia was 
overcome and the kingdoms of Asia Minor, the empires of Syria and 
Egypt, recognized Rome's predominance in the affairs of the East. 
The whole Mediterranean coast, from Alexandria to the Pillars of 
Hercules, was made up of states allied to Rome or dependent upon 
her word of power. 

During these centuries, from 500-133 B.C., the government of 
Rome was passing through some great changes. The ruling aristoc- 
racy was at first in possession of all political rights. But little by 
little the people asserted themselves; they secured the publication of 
the laws and admission to the Senate, the chief council of the state; 
they obtained power to elect magistrates and make laws. But, hav- 
ing gained these rights, they were willing in the stress of constant 
wars to let the actual power pass into the hands of the Senate, which 
administered the state by the magistrates. But as the state grew, 
the task became too great and the Senate began to fail in its work. 
It seemed as though the conquests of Rome were to prove its ruin. 
The people sought to take charge of afifairs again. The result was 
internal struggle, begun in 133 B.C. The attempt failed. Victorious 
generals, who, as officials of the state, had extended Rome's power 
westward to Britain and eastward to the Euphrates, came forward. 
Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, strove for leadership. 
The victor was Julius Caesar, who gathered into his hands all the 
constitutional powers of government. Although he was assassinated 
in 44 B.C., he prepared the way for a reorganization of the state. 

Caesar's nephew, Octavius, afterward called Augustus (28 b.c.-a.d. 
14), joined with the Senate in a new system of government in which 
the old constitution was transformed in the interests of Rome's im- 
perial power. A great state was created with organizing and civil- 
izing power on a grand scale. The world, from the Euphrates river 
to the British Isles, had peace and began to prosper. One language, 
one law, one culture spread throughout the vast region. Under the 
successors of Augustus, the Roman emperors, the same prosperity con- 
tinued for one hundred and fifty years (a.d. 14-160). About the 



Internal 

Changes 

during 

these 

Epochs. 



Reorgani- 
zation. 



248 The Empire of Rome 

middle of the second century a.d., barbarian tribes from the north 
crossed the borders of the empire. They continued to press forward, 
and during the third century wrought havoc in the Imperial state. 

A renewal of strength was brought about by the reorganization of 
the government at the end of the third century. The Imperial capi- 
tal was removed from Rome to Constantinople on the site of the old 
Greek city of Byzantium. The Christian religion, which had sprung 
up in the Empire and had grown great in spite of persecution, was 
made the state religion. Of its ministers the bishop of Rome came 
forward as a leader of the Church in the west. He was called 
Pope ("Father"), and had wide influence upon the barbarians, 
many of whom accepted Christianity. 

Thus strengthened, the Empire withstood the invaders for a cen- 
tury (a.d. 284-395). I^ ^•^- 395 ^^^ flood of barbarians poured 
across the frontiers and kingdoms were set up in the Empire over 
which the emperors had only nominal authority. The four centuries, 
from A.D. 400-800, were occupied with the ever feebler struggles of 
the Empire with these kingdoms. At last Charlemagne, king of the 
Franks, who had built up a great kingdom in the west, was in a.d. 
800 crowned Emperor of the Romans by the Pope. The Roman 
Empire in the east was still in existence, but hardly more than a 
shadow, and the new Roman Empire was Roman in little more than 
name. In reality the barbarians had come off victorious, and the 
World-Empire of Rome was destroyed. 

The Grand 304' The grand divisions of this period are therefore 
Divisions, i-j^g following: 

III. The Empire of Rome, 200 b.c.-a.d. 800 

1. The Making of Rome, to 500 B.C. 

2. Rome's Western Empire, 500-200 B.C. 

3. Rome's Eastern Empire, 200-44 B.C. 

4. Rome's World-Empire, 44 b.c.-a.d. 800 



The Empire of Rome 249 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

Preliminary Survey: Early and various points of contact between the 
East, Italy and Rome — physical geography of Italy (the four 
belts — characterized) — peoples (basis of organization — early peo- 
ples — Italian stock, divisions of it) — relation of geography and 
history in Italy — effect on Rome — course of Roman history — grand 
divisions. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the chief rivers of Italy and 
trace them on the map. 2. Make a chart of the peoples of 
Italy, showing their relationship. 3. Under each of the main 
heads in which Roman history is divided in § 304, make a list 
of important events mentioned in § 303. 4. Draw up a list of 
the early relations of Italy and the East, look up the references 
and discuss them in detail. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 

Geography of Italy. Dionysiusin Munro, p. 2; How and Leigh, 
ch. i; Shuckburgh, ch. 2; Botsford, p. 15; Myres, ch. i. 
2. Italian Peoples. How and Leigh, ch. 2; Shuckburgh, ch. 3; 
Myres, ch. 2. 3. Divisions of Roman History. Shuckburgh, 
ch. I. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY* 

For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 

Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, 
Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. 

MuNRO. A Source Book of Roman History. D. C. Heath and Co. An 
indispensable collection of historical materials covering a variety of 
phases of Roman life. English translations. 

Shuckburgh. A History of Rome to the Battle 0} Actium. Macmillan 
Co. This and the two following works are by Englishmen and cor- 
respond to Bury's History of Greece (p. 75), but are neither so full 
nor so well written. Not illustrated. 

How AND Leigh. A History of Rome to the Death of Ccesar. Longmans. 
Illustrated. 

Myres. A History of Rome. Rivingtons. (To the death of Augus- 
tus.) The latest one-volume history which goes into detail. 

* For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75. 



250 



The Making of Rome 



MoREY. Outlines of Roman History. American Book Co. A brief 
scholarly sketch, well organized, with useful helps. 

BoTSFORD, A History of Rome. Macmillan Co. (To Charlemagne.) 
Well written and illustrated. The best book of its size covering the 
whole field. 

HoRTON. A History o} the Romans. (To the reign of Augustus.) The 
most brilliantly written single volume. 

Seignobos. History of the Roman People. Holt. Covers the whole 
period. Picturesque, anecdotal, simply written. 

Matheson. Skeleton Outline of Roman History. Longmans. (To 
the death of Augustus.) Chiefly valuable for detailed chronology. 

Abbott. Roman Political Institutions. Ginn and Co. The best single 
book on the subject in moderate compass. 

Fowler, The City State of the Greeks and Romans. See p. 76. 

WiLKiNS. Roman Antiquities (History Primer). American Book Co, 
An excellent brief summary of the essentials. 

Johnston. The Private Life of the Romans. Chicago: Scott, Fores- 
man and Co. A much more elaborate work than that of Wilkins. 

Laing. Masterpieces of Latin Literature. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
A serviceable single volume of literary extracts with scholarly in- 
troductions. 

Mackail. Latin Literature. Scribners. Of the same type as Murray's 
Greek Literature (p. 76). A little above a beginner. 



1.— THE MAKING OF ROME 



To 500 B.C. 



The 
Factors 



(I) Its 
Geograph- 
ical Posi- 
tioa. 



305. Three factors contributed to the making of Rome : 
(i) its geographical position, (2) the mixture of peoples 
that formed it, (3) the influences affecting the early life 
of Italy out of which it sprang. 

306. Rome lay on the south bank of the Tiber, the chief 
navigable river of the v^estern slope. It skirted the Etru- 
rian plain and opened a way into the highlands of the cen- 
tral and upper Apennines. An easy ford near by the city 
Vv^as the natural crossing from the Latin to the Etrurian 



Physical Geography of Rome 251 

country. These facts made Rome a place where roads met, 
through which traders passed ; they gave it great commer- a com- 
cial importance. At the same time it was midway between ce^ntre 
the sea and the mountains, far enough away from the one 
to be protected from the sea-rovers that preyed upon com- Protected, 
merce, and sufficiently distant from the other to have 
timely warning of the raids of the mountaineers. The 
city was, also, placed on a series of low hills, which fringed 
the northern border of the Latin land; the rude fortifica- 
tions on their summits were sufficient to guard the inhabi- 
tants against attack and to enable them to control the land 
round about. Thus the city was not only commercially 
important, but had an independent position. It was cen- independ- 
tral and yet isolated, in the midst of the plain and yet se- ®"** 
cure from interference — an ideal site destined to greatness. 
A river, a ford, a fortress — these were the chief physical 
factors contributing to the making of Rome. 

307. Rome is said to have been built on seven hills. The seven 
The central and most important one, called the Palatine, ^'"^' 
stood isolated. It was almost square, with its corners 
turned to the four points of the compass, and almost di- 
rectly opposite the river-ford. Back of it and away from 
the river, standing side by side, were other hills, called, 
respectively, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal 
and the Quirinal. On their eastern side they fell away 
to the plain. South of it, overlooking the river, was the 
Aventine hill; north of it the Capitoline, isolated and 
steep. Across the river, lying over against the ford, was 
the ridge called the Janiculum. In the narrow ravines 
and valleys between these hills were the roads and open 
spaces which came to be famous in history. Thus, be- 
tween the Aventine and the Caelian ran the Appian Way: 



252 



The Making of Rome 



(2) The 
Union of 
Peoples. 



the Circus Maximus (where the pubhc games were held) 
lay between the Aventine and the Palatine; the Forum 
(the market and place of citizen-assembly) to the north 
of the Palatine ; where the Tiber makes a great bend, the 




low stretch between it and the Capitoline, the Campus 
Martins (the ''Field of Mars," where the army exercised). 
308. Such a site naturally gathered people to it from 
all sides. Traders were attracted by the commercial op- 
portunities. Outlaws and rovers found in its fortress a 
safe hiding-place. Peasants from the surrounding country 
made its hills their refuge, both from the malaria of the 



People and Organization 253 

low-lying plains and from the attacks of the mountaineers. 
The men who flocked to it were, likewise, of different races. 
All regarded it as neutral ground. The legends tell us 
that Latins were settled on the Palatine, Etruscans on the 
Caelian, and Sabines, a branch of the mountain Sabellians, 
on the Quirinal. The result of this mixture was two- 
fold: (a) it made the Romans a strong people of varied The Effect, 
characteristics, pushing forward in many directions; (b) 
they were forced to respect one another's rights, which 
were clearly marked out by distinct agreements. A deep 
sense of the importance and value of Law as a regulating 
force in public and private life was impressed upon them 
from the beginning. As a result the practical sense for 
government, based upon the legal recognition of rights 
and duties, came to be one of the chief characteristics of 
the Roman people. 

Vergil, one of Rome's greatest poets, has immortalized this Roman 
sense for government in the famous lines of the "^Eneid " (vi, 851- 

853): 

Thine, O Roman, remember, to reign over every race! 
These be thine arts, thy glories, the ways of peace to proclaim, 
Mercy to show to the fallen, the proud with battle to tame! 

309. Each of the three communities was organized on Earliest 
the tribal basis, as in Greece (§ 105). The bond of union ^^q^^^^^~ 
was blood-relationship. The fundamental unit was the 
family, and the head of the family was the father {pater). 
He had unlimited authority, even to the putting of his chil- 
dren to death. The family grew into a larger unity called 
the ''House" {gens), while the power of the fathers 
continued. A natural outgrowth of this expansion 
of the family was the greater power and importance 
of some houses which were called patricii, ''patri- 



254 



The Making of Rome 



Rome a 
City-state. 



cians," corresponding to the Greek aristocracy (§ io6). 
Over against them the mass of the people was called 
''plebeians." Politically, the tribe was organized with 
a tribal king at the head, his council of elders 
about him (called patreSy "fathers," or, because they 
were old men, senatus, the ''senate"), and the public 
assembly of the citizens gathered for war. Within 
the tribe were circles of blood kinsmen, called curice; 
when the public assembly was summoned, it came to- 
gether (coire) and did business by curicB and hence 
was called the Comitia Curiata. This organization 
was carried over into the new community, which at 
some unknown period was formed out of the tribes 
and peoples gathered on the Roman hills. The city- 
state of Rome came into existence, like those in Greece 
(§ io8). The traditional date of this act was 753 B.C., 
and from it the Romans counted the years of their 
history.* 



The 

Legends 
of Rome's 
Beginning. 



310. About this natural and prosaic origin of Rome the Romans 
wove a variety of picturesque stories which were preserved and put 
in order by their historians many centuries later. In these legends 
the Roman people were connected with ^neas, one of the heroes 
of Troy (§ 102), who wandered to Italy and married Lavinia, 
daughter of Latinus, king of Latium. One of his descendants, 
Rhea, gave birth to twin sons, Romulus and Remus; their father 
was the god Mars. Shortly after their birth, their wicked uncle, 
the king, ordered them to be thrown into the Tiber, but the river 
yielded them up to a herdsman, who brought them up as his children. 
On growing up, they discovered their real origin, killed their uncle 
and proceeded to found a city. A quarrel arising between them, 

* Thus A.u.c. (anno urbis conditae, " in the year of the founding of 
the city," or " ab urbe condita," "from the founding of the city") cor- 
responds to our A.D. (Anno Domini, "in the year of the Lord"). 



The Story of Romulus 255 

Romulus killed his brother and became founder and king of the city, 
called Rome after his name. He gave the city its laws and religion, 
invited all men desirous of change and advancement to become its 
citizens, and appointed one hundred of them senators. In order to 
secure wives for his people, he proclaimed a festival and invited neigh 
boring peoples to the spectacle; when they had gathered, on a signal 
his men seized their daughters and took them as wives. A fierce 
war arising in consequence, Romulus defeated all his enemies except 
the Sabines, who were induced, by the intercession of the Roman 
women, their daughters, at the crisis of a hot batde, to make peace 
and join the new community. Romulus, not long after, was carried 
away into heaven. He was followed in the kingship by the wise 
and pious Numa Pompilius, whose achievement it was to organize 
the religion and civilization of Rome. His wife was a goddess, the 
nymph Egeria, whom he was wont to meet and consult in a grove 
whence a spring flowed. Tullus Hostilius succeeded him, a war- 
rior who fought with Alba Longa and overthrew the Albans. In 
this war there were on one occasion three twin brothers in either army, 
the Roman Horatii and the Alban Curiatii, who agreed to fight a 
combat, the issue of which was to determine the war. The Horatii 
conquered, one brother surviving. On his return home, his sister, 
who was betrothed to one of the slain Curiatii, lamented grievously. 
This so enraged the victor that he slew her. About to be put to death 
by the judges for this crime, he appealed to the people, who acquitted 
him. Tullus was followed by Ancus Marcius, a grandson of 
Numa, who won considerable victories over the Latins and added 
people and territory to the city. Such, according to the legends, 
was the origin and early history of Rome. 

311. Rome was at the beginning only an insignificant (3) itaij 
city-state of Italy. A long history of Italian progress ^^^^^ 
in civilization and politics had unrolled before its birth 
and contributed to its making. In the first place, it 
was a city of Latium, the land of the Latins. The Latium 
cities of Latium had long formed a league, and the League. 
Romans, as chiefly of the Latin stock, would naturally 



256 



The Making of Rome 



The 

Etruscan 
Develop- 
ment. 



form part of it. The League had its centre in the 
city of Alba Longa, where representatives of thirty 
cities met yearly, united in worship of the god, Jupiter, 
and deliberated on affairs of common interest. Thus 
an opportunity was offered Rome of taking part in the 
life of a larger world. Second, the various civilizing 
and progressive influences of the East had long been 
affecting the Italian communities of the west coast and 
creating a new and vigorous social and political life. 
Of all these communities, the Etruscans had been 
most capable of profiting by such influences. They 
had, at a very early period, expanded their borders 
southward to the Tiber and eastward to the Apennines; 
they had seats in the valley of the Po, and from the sea- 
coast made voyages throughout the Tyrrhenian sea 
to Corsica and Sardinia. The Phoenicians brought 
them into contact with Oriental civilization, and the 
Greeks gave to them their own rich and splendid achieve- 
ments in art and culture. Egyptian seals and Greek 
vases have been found in Etruscan graves. Etruscan 
art took such objects as models and developed skill in 
the making of weapons of war and objects of trade. 
The commerce of their cities grew; they became rich 
and powerful. As the Greeks began to settle in Italy, 
their merchants brought along with their wares the 
intellectual riches of the mother-country. From the 
Greek colonies Italy learned the art of writing, the 
names and worship of Greek gods, and Greek arts of 
life. Under these influences the Etruscan communities 
andR^uie of began to expand toward the south, and by the sixth 
Rome. century (600 B.C.) appear to have been in possession of 
the greater part of the western plain as far as the Greek 



The Greek 
Influence. 



Etruscan 
Expansion 



Stories of the Etruscan Kings 257 

city of Cyme. In this forward movement Rome fell 
under their power. Etruscan kings ruled over it. 

312. During the reign of Ancus Marcius — the Roman legends go 
on to relate — there came to Rome from Tarquinii in Etruria a man 
whose name was Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. It was said that 
on the journey to Rome an omen of his future greatness was given; 
an eagle flew down, took off his cap, circled about him and replaced 
it. He grew in wealth and influence and was appointed guardian of 
the king's children. On the king's death he sought and obtained 
from the people election to the throne. To strengthen his position 
he added one hundred men to the Senate. He fought victoriously 
with Latins and Sabines; he laid out the Circus Maximus and exhib- 
ited games there; he began to wall the city, to drain its hollows by 
sewers and to lay out the space for a temple to Jupiter on the Capito- 
line Hill. But the sons of Ancus Marcius, who sought revenge for 
having been supplanted by a foreigner, plotted against the king and 
brought about his murder. They failed, however, to secure the 
throne. A young man, Servius Tullius, a captive and slave, had 
been favored by the king and betrothed to his daughter. It is said 
that the king's attention had been drawn to him by a strange portent; 
as the boy lay asleep in the palace, his head suddenly flamed with 
fire, which disappeared when he awoke. On the king's murder, be- 
fore it was widely known that he was dead, Servius assumed his 
duties and at last seized the throne and established himself firmly. 
He was a wise and vigorous ruler. Under him the Roman state was 
reorganized. He instituted the census, or classification of the people 
in classes and centuries on the basis of property, chiefly for purposes 
of war. The citizens thus organized numbered 80,000. He enlarged 
the city and surrounded it with a wall and a moat. After a long 
reign he was slain by Tarquinius, the son, or grandson, of Priscus, 
urged on to the crime by his wife, the daughter of Servius, who was 
eager for royal power. Tarquinius, called Superbus, "the proud," 
because of his haughty and unbending temper, ruled with energy and 
success. He gained for Rome greater influence in the Latin League, 
warred with the mountaineers and won the city of Gabii. At home 
he made many improvemeats in the city; built the great sewer, 



258 The Making of Rome 

erected seats in the Circus and began a splendid temple to Jupiter 
upon the area marked out by Priscus. But a series of events fol- 
lowed which brought about his overthrow and the disappearance of 
kings from Rome. 

Growth 313. It is clear that under these Etruscan kings Rome 

Etr'llscan entered upon a new career. All sides of its inner and 
Rule. outer life received fresh impulse. The city was architec- 

turally improved and adorned. Its area was enlarged 
and a wall was thrown around the whole. Buildings 
were erected for state purposes, a prison and temples. 
A fine drainage system was undertaken. Etruscan 
culture was introduced; Roman youth learned the 
language and wisdom of Etruria. The Roman power 
made itself felt in Latium. The headship of the Latin 
League fell into the hands of these kings. The exten- 
sion of Etruscan power throughout the western plain 
contributed to the spread of commerce and trade. A 
larger share of these fell to Rome and brought increased 
wealth and culture from the east, as well as a greater 
population to take advantage of the larger opportuni- 
ties. 
Roman 314. Two sphcrcs of Roman life, affected by the 

Religion. Etruscan domination, deserve special mention: the 
religious and the political organization. Roman re- 
ligion was a very simple and practical affair, befitting a 
farmer-folk without culture. They believed them- 
selves surrounded by spirits who were active every- 
where in nature and in their own affairs. These spirits 
dwelt in animals, in trees, in fountains and the like. 
The farm life had its special divine patrons, worshipped 
in rude festivals occurring at set times, sowing or har- 
vest. By ceremonies suitable to the occasion — the 



Early Roman Religion 259 

procession of farmers with their farm animals around 
the fields, or a rustic feast with boisterous games and 
rough horse-play — the worshippers appeased the higher 
powers and secured their help in the growing and ripen- 
ing of the crops. The farmhouse had its deities — Vesta, 
the guardian of the hearth, and Janus, the spirit of the 
doorway. As life in the city supplanted agriculture, 
these powers took up their home there, and their worship 
was organized. Some spirits became patrons of private 
life, as the Lares, who were the spirits of ancestors, and 
the Penates, who presided over the provisions. There 
was still much indefiniteness as to the names and power 
of the spirits. The Romans thought more of what they 
did than of what they were called and how they looked. 
Yet, as the public life became more regular, the more 
important gods came to have special names and a 
suitable worship. So we have Jupiter, the sky god, 
Diana, the forest goddess, Ceres, the mother of agri- 
culture, VenuSp goddess of fruitfulness and love, 
Mars, god of war, Neptune, of the sea, Vulcan, of fire 
and mechanic arts, Juno, goddess of motherhood and 
patron of families and clans. The world of the dead 
was regarded as beneath the earth and had its deity, 
Dispater. King Numa stood in the tradition as the 
prime organizer of the Roman state-worship of the 
various gods. To him was ascribed the appointment 
of the chief body of priests, called pontifices, at the 
head of which was the pontifex maximus. The senti- 
ment of law and order, which was so characteristic 
of Roman life everywhere, had full sway here and led 
to a very careful arrangement of the relations between 
gods and men. Though the Romans were not on 



260 The Making of Rome 

familiar terms with their gods — they feared rather than 
loved them — and did not imagine them beautiful beings, 
as did the Greeks (§ 113), yet they believed one thing 
firmly and strongly about them, that they would be as 
honest and as faithful to their agreements as were their 
worshippers. Thus, attention was directed to learning 
the terms on which the gods would live at peace with 
men and prosper them; and having learned this, hav- 
ing come to terms with the gods, the Romans faith- 
fully and scrupulously kept their part of the contract 
and expected in turn that the gods would do their part. 
Honest fulfilment of definite obligation, this was man's 
duty toward the gods. This made the old Roman 
strong and strenuous in his daily work at home and 
abroad. 
Etruscan 315. The Etruscan period brought in new gods and 

on^R^iig- ^^^ religious forms. The most important new deity 
io°- was Minerva, goddess of wisdom, patron of trade 

and commerce. New temples were built; particularly 
the state temple on the Capitoline, where Jupiter, Juno 
and Minerva were worshipped together and thus be- 
came the chief deities of the city. But the principal 
result of Etruscan influence was to aid Roman religion 
to determine more clearly the will of the gods by a sys- 
tem of omens. An **omen" was an indication of what 
the gods wanted or how they felt; it could be a seem- 
ingly chance event in the natural world, such as the 
actions of animals — a rat running across the path, the 
blowing of the wind, or a thunder-storm. The Etrus- 
cans were experts at devising means to this end. The 
meaning of such things had been studied, and a system 
of laws discovered, by which the gods revealed them- 



Religio and Pietas 261 

selves to the one who knew how to interpret these signs, 
called auspicia. Such a development of their religion 
was natural and acceptable to the Romans and became 
an essential part of it. Officials, called Augurs and 
Haruspices, were set apart to study, put in order and 
practise this system, to learn and interpret the auspices. 
Thus the religion became more and more rigid and 
formal, yet also more definite and concrete. Its name 
indicates its character — religio — that which "binds" 
gods and men to keep their word, to fulfil a contract, 
the terms of which are known and acknowledged by 
both parties. The corresponding word for man's 
attitude toward the gods — the honest doing of duty as 
prescribed in definite law and ritual — was pietas. 

The story went that once the Sibyl visited Tarquin the Proud 
and offered to sell him nine books by which the will of the gods could 
be interpreted. The price was high and the king refused. She 
burned three of them and offered him the rest for twice the price. 
Again he refused. She burned three more and again doubled the 
price for the three that remained. The king reflected and finally 
paid what she demanded. These three Sibylline Books came to be 
most precious possessions of the state and were consulted at critical 
moments in its history. 

316. Roman political organization underwent im- Etruscan 
portant changes in the Etruscan period. As these kings \^^^lf^^ 
were foreign conquerors, they could deal with the po- on Rome, 
litical arrangements of the state as they liked. There 
was need of change. During Rome's progress in com- 
mercial and political importance, while the original 
basis of citizenship (§ 309) had remained, the population 
of the city had greatly altered. Many strangers had 
come to take part in trade and enjoy the advantages of 



262 TJie Making of Rome 

life at Rome. Many citizens, living away from the city 
or growing poor, had been unable to keep up their 
citizen duties and had lost their privileges. All these 
people could secure protection only by attaching them- 
selves to some noble ''house" or to the king. Such 
persons were called "clients" and their protectors 
''patrons." They performed no pubhc service, neither 
The Army serving in the army nor paying taxes. A rearrange- 
izld!^*"' ment, ascribed to King Servius Tulhus (§312), brought 
these people into the service of the community by mak- 
ing them a part of the army. This was done by sub- 
stituting for tribal and blood right the possession of 
property as the sole condition for military service. An 
entire reorganization of the military arrangements of 
the state 3vas thus made necessary. A larger and more 
efficient army was created, the strength of the state in- 
creased and the power of the king heightened by the 
devotion of the people, thus honored by him. Servius 
is also said to have divided the Roman territory into 
four parts and to have called the dwellers in each part 
The Local a "tribe."* This was a convenient arrangement for 

Tribes. ^ ' ^ , . . t i • 

levymg the army and raismg taxes, in due time po- 
litical changes of great importance followed this new 
organization. 

317- The traditional account of the arrangements of Servius, as 

preserved by later Roman writers and interpreted by modern scholars, 

is as follows. The very richest of the people were appointed to the 

The Classes cavalry (equites or knights). This cavalry for:e was divided into 

Centuries, eighteen Companies called "centuries" or hundreds. The rest of 

the people made up the infantry. They were organized into six 

* "Tribe" used in this sense is a local division, not one based on blood- 
relationship (§ 309). 



The Reorganization of Servius 263 

"classes," grading down according to property. Each class* was 
made up of a certain number of centuries. The first class, composed 
of men whose wealth was estimated at one hundred thousand asses,t 
had eighty centuries of fully armed soldiers; the second class, men 
worth seventy-five thousand asses; the third class, men worth 
fifty thousand asses, and the fourth class, men worth twenty-five 
thousand asses, had each twenty centuries and were armed in less 
complete fashion; the fifth class, men worth eleven thousand asses, 
in thirty centuries, were slingers; the sixth class, made up of all 
worth less than this sum, formed one century. Two other centuries 
were made up of artificers and trumpeters. The cavalry and the 
men of military age in the first five classes constituted the army in 
the field. The infantry was drawn up in two bodies, each called a 
Legio (legion). These were made up of men of the first three 
classes; the fourth and fifth classes supplied the auxiliary troops. 
The legion was drawn up six men deep with a front of 500 men; with 
its auxiliaries, therefore, it numbered 4,200. Two other legions, held 
at home to protect the city and made up of men past military age, 
raised the total military force of Rome to 18,600 men. 

318. It seemed as though the influence of the Etrus- The Roman 
can kings among the people and their pre-eminence in 
Latium would secure to them a long and firm hold upon 
Rome. But it did not so turn out. The noble families 
grew stronger; the sentiment of nationality opposed the 
rule of strangers; at last the Etruscan rulers were Fail of 
driven out; with them went the kingship itself. The KingT^" 
process was, no doubt, much the same as in Greece *"^ ^"** *** 
(§ 106). Remains of the kingly dignity survived only Kingship, 
in the religious sphere. The rex sacrorum, "king of 

* The term " class " here has the meaning of " calling out," i. e., 
" Levy." 

t The as, of bronze, was the unit of value in Roman currency. In the 
time of Servius the property was in land; the estimate in money value is 
the work of a later time. Compare the similar organization of Solon 
(§137) 



264 



The Making of Rome 



Legend 
of the 
Expulsion. 



sacred things," became the highest priestly representa- 
tive of the state in certain solemn religious exercises, 
and the Regia, ''royal palace," was turned into a holy 
place where priests dwelt and sacrifices were performed. 
The aristocracy took control of affairs and Rome be- 
came an aristocratic state. The date traditionally 
set for this change was 509 B.C. The transformations 
brought about in connection with it, both in the life of 
Rome and in its relations to Italy, are so important as 
to make it a turning-point in Roman history, the be- 
ginning of a new period. 

319- The Roman legends describe the growing arrogance of Tar- 
quin the Proud and his family, under which the Romans were im- 
patient but submissive. Finally a gross act of violence was inflicted 
by Tarquin's son upon Lucretia, wife of the noble Collatinus; un- 
der the shame of it she killed herself in the presence of her husband 
and his friends. The king was at the time absent from the city, 
waging war. They raised a rebellion; the gates of the city were 
closed against him, and the kingship was formally abolished by the 
citizens. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. The three factors: (i) Geographical posi- 
tion — river, ford, fortress; (2) Union of peoples — result — organiza- 
tion in fact and in legend; (3) Italy makes Rome: Latin league — 
Etruscan civilization — Greek influence — Etruscan rule in Rome, 
the tradition — Etruscan influence — Roman religion and Etruscan 
religion, political reorganization, the army — reaction of Romans, 
and driving out of Etruscans, end of kingship. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. How did the Tiber and the Pala- 
tine affect the early history of Rome? 2. What is meant 
by gens, patrician, plebeian, omen, religio, pietas, equites? 
3. What was the traditional date of the founding of Rome? 
of the expulsion of the Kings? 



Problems of the New State 265 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. In what was the early organization 
of Rome (§ 309) like and unlike that of the Greek communi- 
ties of the Middle Age (§§ 105-107)? 2. Compare the origin 
of Rome with that of Athens (§ 108). 3. Compare the geog- 
raphy of Greece and Italy and show how differently the his- 
tory of each land was thus affected. 4. Compare the reforms 
of Servius with those of Solon (§ 137). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Sources 
and Trustworthiness of Early Roman History. Munro, pp. 
3-5; Shuckburgh, pp. 54-60; How and Leigh, pp. 34-37; 
Myres, pp. 38-41; Seignobos, pp. 33-35 5 West, pp. 256-258. 

2. Stories of the Kings from Romulus to Ancus. Plutarch, 
Romulus and Numa; Munro, pp. 66-68; Seignobos, pp. 15-20. 

3. Stories of the Etruscan Kings. Seignobos, pp. 21, 27. 

4. The Reforms of Servius in Some Detail, with a Diagram. 
Munro, pp. 45-47; Shuckburgh, pp. 43-49; Myres, pp. 56-63; 
How and Leigh, p. 28; Abbott, pp. 20, 21; Botsford, Ancient 
History, p. 299. 5. The Curiae and the Comitia Curiata. 
Abbott, pp. 18-20. 



3.— ROME'S WESTERN EMPIRE 

500-200 B.C. 

Preliminary Survey 

320. The aristocracy to whom the leadership of the The Double 
state now fell had a twofold task imposed upon them. ^1^^%°^ 
They had (i) to defend the community against its Govern- 
enemies without and (2) to maintain themselves within 
the state against both those who might threaten their 
supremacy and those who sought a larger share in the 
social and political life. These two problems were 
bound up together. For no sooner was success achieved 
in war against enemies than danger threatened from 
the ambition of the officials, under whom it had been 



266 



Rome's Western Empire 



(i) Rome's 
Defence 
against Her 
Neighbors : 
from 500- 
390 B.C. 



(a) The 
Union of 
Italy under 
Rome: 
from 390- 
265 B.C. 



gained, and from the mass of the people, who had 
fought for their country in the victorious army. If we 
take the outward progress of Rome as our guiding clew, 
three periods in this struggle may be fixed. 

321. Etruscans on the north, mountain tribes from 
the east, Latins on the south, threatened the existence of 
the state. By hard fighting, skilful diplomacy and wise 
compromise, the Romans were able to beat off all these 
enemies, reducing some to subjection and forming alli- 
ances with others, until at the close of the period a de- 
fensible frontier had been established, extending from 
the middle of Etruria in the north to the southern bor- 
der of Latium, eastward to the Apennines and westward 
to the sea. This brilliant success had been accompanied 
by changes in the inner life of the state. The officials 
had been reduced in their powers, but the plebeians 
had gained in position. The aristocracy had been 
forced to publish the laws in twelve tables, to admit 
the plebeians to a minor part in the government and 
to give them an official called the Tribune to represent 
and defend them. 

322. At the beginning of the fourth century the very 
existence of the state was threatened by a tremendous 
incursion of the Kelts (Gauls) from the far north. All 
Etruria and Latium were overrun, the mountain tribes 
pushed southward, and Rome itself was captured and 
burned. But the Romans remained indomitable, rallied 
their forces, hurled the invaders back into the valley 
of the Po and held them there. Then they turned 
against the restless and warlike mountaineers, who 
in the south were pushing over into the western plain. 
They advanced against the Samnites and overthrew 



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Preliminary Survey 267 

them in the mountains. Brought thus into hostile re- 
lations with the cities of Greater Greece (§ 114), they 
contended with Pyrrhus of Epirus (§ 283), drove him 
out of Italy and extended their authority to the Adri- 
atic. They strengthened their position against revolt 
in Latium and the mountain-region, until, at last, they 
found themselves at the head of all the Italian states, 
which were bound to them by strong ties of a common 
citizenship or liberal alliances. Accompanying this 
outward progress, there went on, within the state, the 
steady growth of the plebeians in their position and 
power. All the offices of the state were thrown open 
to them. The assembly of the whole people, organized 
by tribes, became the chief legislative power. The 
citizenship was extended to other communities; the 
supremacy of the aristocracy, even in the senate, was 
broken by the admission of wealthy plebeians. 

323. Carthage was the leading commercial state of (3) The 
the West. Rome's union of Italy made complications ^^th^cir- 
with her inevitable, since Carthage sought to control thagefor 

.... 1 -r» 1 1 ^ the Western 

all commercial activity and Rome was bound to de- Mediterra- 

fend and sustain the commerce of Italy. War broke "f^"- ^'■°™ 

•' ^ 265-200 

out on the neutral ground of Sicily and continued for b.c. 
half a century. The culmination was the invasion of 
Italy by the Carthaginian general, Hannibal; Rome 
fought desperately for her life. But the Italian states 
remained faithful to her, Hannibal retired and Carthage 
was at last overthrown. Rome took the leadership 
in the western Mediterranean. Her authority extended 
over north Africa, Spain, Sicily and all Italy, even to the 
Alps. In this time of stress the public assembly of the 
citizens was too large and unwieldy to conduct affairs; 



268 Rome's Defence 

therefore, the senate led the state, taking measures for 
the war, raising money, appointing leaders and sustain- 
ing courage and activity. Thus, at the close of the 
period, it was the chief executive power; the citizens, 
though rulers in theory, in fact submitted to senatorial 
direction. When this period of three centuries (500-200 
B.C.) closes, therefore, Rome has grown from a city to 
an imperial state, ruling the western Mediterranean. 
She is transformed from an aristocratic community 
into a democracy in which, however, the actual power 
was in the hands of a corporation of men of wealth and 
blood gathered in the senate. We may now study the 
history of these three epochs m detail. 



(i) ROME'S DEFENCE AGAINST HER 
NEIGHBORS 

500-390 B.C. 

The New 324. The growing power of the noble nouses had 

mer/"' resulted in the overthrow of the kingship. Into the 
place of the monarchy stepped the aristocracy, to 
whom fell the organization and conduct of the state. 
They occupied the offices, made and administered the 
Officials. laws and determined the policy. Two officials, called 
consuls, or prcetors, were appointed for the adminis- 
tration. In taking office they were given the imperium, 
which was equivalent to the possession of kingly pow- 
ers; they led the armies, pronounced judgment and 
performed the chief public religious services. But 
the aristocracy had no idea of substituting new kings 



Latin League Revived 269 

for the old. The powers of the consuls were carefully 
limited. They were elected for one year only; they 
must be aristocrats; their powers were equal and hence 
each could nullify the acts of the other. An important 
change took place in the citizen body. The army, as citizens, 
reorganized in centuries by Servius (§ 317), had been 
the efficient instrument of the aristocracy in accom- 
plishing the revolution; it was now more than ever 
necessary in maintaining the state. Very naturally, 
therefore, it was the most important body of the people; 
all its members became citizens and were organized as 
a new assembly for the election of consuls and the 
making of laws. It was called the Comitia Centu- 
riata and soon put the old curiate assembly (§ 309) 
in the shade. The latter continued to meet, but was 
insignificant. The senate was the real power in the senate, 
new state. It was composed entirely of aristocrats. 
It practically dictated the election of consuls, deter- 
mined their policy and indicated what laws should be 
passed by the people. 

325. The dangers that confronted the new govern- Difficulties 
ment were sufficiently alarming. With the passing of JJ^ig^bors. 
the monarchy, the Latin cities rejected the leadership 
of Rome; indeed, it is probable that they also put off with the 
Etruscan domination and set up for themselves in the ^^**"^' 
same fashion as did Rome. The rivalry thus created 
might have proved disastrous, had not a new danger 
driven them back to the old alliance. This was the 
invasion of the mountain tribes, long held in leash by 
the strong Etruscan power in Latium. The Latin 
League was said to have been re-established by Spurius 
Cassius in 493 B.C. Thereupon, Rome led the plains- 



270 



Rome's Defence 



With the 
Mountain- 



men out against the invading mountaineers. From 
the east the Sabines and Hernici were advancing, 
from the south the ^qui and Volsci. But the Hernici 
were secured as allies, and thus the eastern and southern 




THE 
ENVIRONS OEUOME. 



invaders separated. Yet the conflict was long and try- 
ing. From time to time the hillsmen swept down to 
the very gates of Rome, raiding and burning the fields 
and homesteads. 

326. An even fiercer struggle was forced by the 
Etruscans. E^ruscaus, who would not willingly yield up their hold 



With the 



The Etruscan Wars 271 

on Rome and Latium. The centre of the war was the 
strong city of Veii, the rival of Rome, situated a few 
miles to the north. The trade of Rome with the upper 
Tiber country was cut off and the superior military 
ability of the Etruscans was emphasized in severe de- 
feats inflicted upon the Roman army. Still the Romans 
gradually got the better of their antagonist, owing not 
more to their own valor than to the general decline of 
the Etruscan power, which was being attacked on all 
sides. The Greeks were cutting off the commerce of 
the Etruscans; an enemy in the north, the Kelts (Gauls)^ 
was pushing down upon them; it had driven them out 
of the Po valley and compelled them to stand on the 
defensive. In this situation they could not concentrate 
their waning strength on Rome. At last, Veii itself capture of 
fell before a Roman assault (396 B.C.) The Romans ^*"" 
advanced into the heart of Etruria and took possession 
of the southern half of the land. 

327. Many stories of heroic exploits were told about The 
these early wars of Rome with its neighbors : oMhrst^ 

When the gates of the city had been shut against him, Tarquin the ^^^^ ^^' 
Proud immediately set about recovering his power. At first a plot i. The 
was formed within Rome among the noble youth who felt that they Etruscan 
were under restraint in the new conditions. But just as they were 
about to spring their trap, they were betrayed by a slave who over- 
heard their treasonable communings. Even though the sons of the 
consul, they were not saved from summary execution inflicted under 
their father's direction. Whereupon Tarquin, having solicited aid 
from the cities of Etruria, came against Rome with an army from 
Veii and Tarquinii. In the battle, Brutus, the consul, and Aruns, 
Tarquin's son, found death in single combat. Help was then sought 
by Tarquin from Lars Porsena, king of the powerful city of Clu- 
sium, who led down from the north a mighty host against Rome. Porsena. 
He would have forced a passage over the Sublician bridge had not a 



Fabii. 



272 Rome's Defence 

brave warrior, Horatius Codes, supported by two companions, held 
the entrance against the enemy, never retiring until the Romans cut 
down the bridge behind him; then plunging into the Tiber he swam 
safely back to his friends. Porsena brought the city low by a block- 
ade; he was persuaded to give up his hostile endeavors only through 
the heroic act of Mucins, who, in disguise, entered the Etruscan 
camp in order to kill the king. By a mistake he killed the king's sec- 
retary and, when arrested and brought before Porsena, he declared 
that there were 300 other Roman youth, like himself, sworn to kill 
the king. In proof of his determination, he thrust his right hand into 
the fire that was lighted for the sacrifice. Hence he was afterward 
called Scaevola, ''the left-handed." Porsena, moved with admira- 
tion and fear, dismissed the youth unharmed. Soon he made peace 
and retired. 

But the people of Veil continued to war with Rome, harassing 
them with frequent raids. On one occasion, the noble family of the 

The Fabii offered to proceed against them and conduct the war. So 

they marched out 306 strong amid the prayers and praises of the 
people. Arrived at a strong place at the river Cremera, they forti- 
fied it, and for a time fought the Veientes with great success. But, 
at last, growing confident and careless, they were ambushed by the 
enemy and cut off. Only one of them, and he a child, was left to 
represent his family. A few years after, peace for forty years was 
declared between the two states. Then the war broke out again 
with the going over of Fidenae, a Roman colony, to Veii. In the 
battle that followed, Aulus Cornelius Cossus slew, with his own 
hand, Tolumnius, king of Veii, and hung up the royal spoils beside 
those dedicated by Romulus in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. 
Not long after, Fidenae was taken by storm. But the war continued 
with varying success, until the other Etruscan cities decided to give 

Siege of no more help to Veii. Then the Romans resolved to lay siege to the 
city. For ten years their armies lay before it, but the city was de- 
fended with vigor. In despair the Romans sought an oracle from 
Delphi (§118), and were told that victory depended on letting out the 
waters of the Alban lake. When this was done, Marcus Furius 
Camillus, the dictator, solemnly invited Juno, the goddess of Veii, 
to abandon the doomed city and come to Rome; then the assault 
was made and Veii fell. 



Veii. 



Legends of These Wars 



273 



News came to the Romans that thirty Latin cities had entered 
into alliance against them under the leadership of Octavius Mam- 
ilius. It was said that Tarquin the Proud, now an old man, had in- 
stigated this movement and was present in the hostile army. So great 
was the terror of the Romans, that now, perhaps for the first time, 
they appointed a Dictator who superseded the consuls in carrjung on 
the war. The armies met at Lake Regillus, and the battle was long 
and fierce. The supporters of Tarquin charged with great fury. In 
the thick of the fight, twin heroes, mounted on white horses, were 
seen leading on the Romans. Under their inspiration the leader of 
the enemy was slain and his army routed. Strange to say, immedi- 
ately after the battle, the heroes disappeared and were seen at 
Rome with foaming horses, bearing the news of the victory. They 
were soon recognized as the twin gods. Castor and Pollux, and a 
temple was built in their honor by the fountain in Rome where they 
appeared. Soon after, the Latins made peace and entered into a 
league with the Romans. 

In one of the many wars with the mountain tribes the Roman 
army had been surrounded by the -^qui and was in danger of de- 
struction. News was brought to Rome. Hope was found only in 
the appointment, as Dictator, of the first citizen of the state, Lucius 
Quintus Cincinnatus. The messengers found him at work culti- 
vating his little farm of four acres across the Tiber. He wiped the 
sweat and dust from his face and, just as he was, received the con- 
gratulations of the messengers and their announcement of his ap- 
pointment. The desperate situation was explained ; he came into 
the city, raised an army, defeated the enemy and delivered his 
countrymen. Sixteen days from the time of receiving his appoint- 
ment he gave it up and returned to his farm. 

Caius Marcius, surnamed Coriolanus, from his valor at the 
capture of the city of Corioli, incurred the hatred of the plebeians 
by his arrogant behavior and was condemned. He retired to the 
Volsci, and, being kindly received by them, became their leader. 
Led by him the Volsci brought the Romans to the brink of ruin. 
He took his stand a short distance from the city and devastated the 
country far and wide. All overtures for peace were rejected by the 
general, until his mother and wife, leading his children, came to him. 
As he rose to embrace his mother, she reproached him with his 



2. The 

Latin 

Wars. 



Battle of 

Lake 

Regillus. 



3. Wars 
with the 
Hill-Folk. 



Cincin- 
natus. 



274 



Rome's Defence 



Division of 
Powers 
among New 
Officials. 



Censors. 



Quaestors. 



Overthrow 
of Ambi- 
tious 
Leaders. 



treachery to his native land, saying, "Before I receive your embrace, 
let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son." These 
words and the lamentations of the women overcame his resolution. 
He withdrew his army and Rome was saved. 

328. During these troubled years, to hold its course 
successfully between the ambitions of individual nobles 
and the demands of the aggressive plebeians, v^as no 
easy task for the aristocratic government. The account 
of the events, which was handed down from these early 
times, has sadly mixed up the activities of the patricians 
in both these directions. But it is clear that they 
weakened the power of the consuls by distributing it 
among other officials. The most important of these 
officials were the two censors^ whose duty it was to keep 
a roll of the citizens, to decide as to the political status 
of each citizen and to determine the taxes each should pay. 
They supervised public and private morals; indeed, the 
censorship was a kind of national conscience, deciding as 
to what was good or bad citizenship and punishing breaches 
of good order. Two qucestors were appointed to have 
charge of the public treasury ; they received and paid out 
money on the order of the senate. Other quaestors had 
similar duties with respect to the mihtary chest. Thus 
two important prerogatives were lost to the consuls. At 
the same time, whenever anyone seemed likely to be rising 
too high in the state and aiming at supreme power, the 
government made away with him. We are told of the 
ambitions and the fall of Spurius Cassius, of Coriolanus, 
of Appius Herdonius and Appius Claudius and of Spu- 
rius Maelius. As the story goes, the consul Spurius 
Cassius, who had deserved well of the Roman people by 
bringing the Latins back into union with Rome, devised 



The Demands of Plebeians 275 

a scheme for dividing certain conquered lands equally 
among the Romans and the Latins. This excited grave 
disturbances within the state, and the patricians tried to 
stir up the people against him. He, in his turn, sought to 
gain them to his side by refunding to them certain moneys 
which rightfully belonged to them. But they suspected 
him of aiming at royal power and refused the bribe. As 
soon as he went out of office, he was condemned and put 
to death. 

329. It seemed as if the government had nothing to fear Growing 
from the plebeians, since all powers were in the hands of pS'eblLns 
the patricians. But the plebeians could not fail to have 
their part in Rome's new wealth and importance. Some 
of them grew rich, and all were necessary in the wars which 
the state was waging. Indeed, they found themselves 
suffering most from the hardships which the wars brought 
with them. The raids of the mountaineers bore hard on 
the poorer farmers who could not care for their fields 
while fighting in the armies. The chains of debt and 
slavery hung the more heavily about them and their fami- 
lies. The patricians had no mercy upon them. The 
aristocratic government administered the law with merci- 
less severity to suit the privileged class. When this yoke 
became unendurable, the plebeians rose in rebellion. But Rebeiuon. 
even then the patricians made only such concessions as 
weakened the powers of the magistrates and did not di- 
rectly threaten the aristocratic ascendency. Thus the 
right of appeal to the popular assembly from the judgment Right of 
of a consul in a death -sentence was early granted and ^pp^*^- 
became one of the bulwarks of civic freedom. Another 
outburst secured the appointment of a set of officials repre- 
senting the plebeians in opposition to the regular magis- 



276 



Rome's Defence 



trates. These were the Tribunes. They were chosen by 
the plebeians themselves. At first two, their number 
was afterward increased to ten. They had no part in the 
government, but could only interfere with the action of 
magistrates in the interests of their plebeian brethren. 
Thus, if a plebeian was to be imprisoned for debt or was 
drafted for the army by order of the consul, the tribune 
could step in and release him. The person of the tribune 
was sacred and to do him injury was punishable with 
death. He could assemble the plebeians for the purpose of 
talking over their affairs ; in this assembly * the plebeians 
made their importance in the state felt in various ways. 

330. But it was soon seen that to allow the tribune to 
block the regular magistrates in this way was to create all 
sorts of disturbance in the state. What the plebeians 
really needed was to have the laws, by which the consuls 
passed judgment, known to all, and not the private property 
of the aristocrats only. This was agreed to. A commis- 
sion of ten men, the Decemviri, was appointed to draw 
up a code which was later known as the Law of the Twelve 
Tables and became the foundation of the Roman legal 
system. The procedure was the same as that of the ap- 
pointment of the Lawgivers in Greece (§ 126) and was 
probably copied from that. The old magistracy, the 
consuls and even the tribunes, ceased to be ; the decemviri 
were given the entire direction of the state. They were 
to be elected yearly. But after two years the experiment 
did not succeed and the old administrative officers with 
the tribunes returned. Yet the laws had been published, 
and that was a great gain for the plebeians. In con^ec- 

* This assembly was called the Concilium Pkhis, i,e.j " the Council 
of the Plebeians." 



The New Assembly 277 

tion with the return to the old order, they reaped other 
important benefits. Their assembly became, after no 
long time, a legal body, having a right to make laws; the 
whole people was organized into local tribes, some 
twenty in number, and was gathered into it; it was called 
the Comitia Tributa. In each tribe every man's vote, The 
whether patrician or plebeian, was equal to every other, tributa. 
and the majority of votes determined the vote of the tribe. 
The tribune became a regular magistrate, able to recom- The New 

, 1 . r J. Tribune. 

mend legislation to the people; his power of veto was ex- 
tended and regulated. A little later the right of inter- mter- 
marriage (comiubium) between plebeians and patricians 
was secured. Nothing now seemed to stand in the way 
of the plebeians obtaining entrance to the highest offices 
in the state. 

Some of the Laws of the Twelve Tables are as follows : 

One who has confessed a debt or against whom judgment has 
been pronounced, shall have thirty days in which to pay it. 

Unless he pays the amount of the judgment, or someone in the 
presence of the magistrate interferes in his behalf (as vindex), the 
creditor is to take him home and fasten him in stocks or fetters. ^ He 
is to fasten him with no less than fifteen pounds weight, or if he 
choose, with more. 

If a father sells his son three times, the son shall be free from the 
power of the father. 

Whenever a contract or conveyance is made, as it is specified by 
word of mouth, so let it be binding. 

(The owner of the land) must take care of the road. If he does 
not pave it, (the one having the right of way) may drive his team 
where he pleases. 

If a man maims a limb (of another), unless some agreement is 
arrived at, he shall be subject to retaliation (i.e., his limb shall be 

broken). 

If a patron defrauds his client, let him be accursed. 



278 Rome's Defence 

Women shall not scratch their cheeks or inflict any wound (on 
themselves) on account of a funeral (i.e., not show excessive grief). 

The Tra- 33 1. The later Roman traditional story has arranged 
slries of ^his Struggle of the aristocracy with their opponents in the 
Laws. state in a series of legal enactments secured at specific 

times under known magistrates. While, probably, the 
progress was in reality much more irregular and uncertain, 
this arrangement is convenient and instructive. It is as 
follows : 

509 B.C. The right of Appeal was carried through the comitia 
centuriata by Valerius Poplicola. 

493 B.C. The Secession of the plebeians and the appointment of 
tribunes. 

471 B.C. The Publilian law (of Publilius Volero) gave the 
assembly of the plebeians a legal status and the tribune the right to 
propose resolutions for adoption there. 

451 B.C. The Decemvirs were appointed. 

449 B.C. The Valerio-Horatian laws gave the comitia tributa 
power to enact legislation binding on all the people. 

445 B.C. The Canuleian law permitted intermarriage. 

444 B.C. Consular tribunes, who may be elected from plebeians 
as well as from patricians, substituted for consuls elected from 
patricians only. This arrangement was only for a short time. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 

2. Rome's Western Empire. Preliminary Survey: (task of the aristo- 

cratic government. Three periods of the history), (i) Rome's 
defence — date — character of the new government (officials, powers, 
citizens, assembly, senate) — wars with mountaineers and Etrus- 
cans, history and legend — problem of the officials, division of 
powers, ambitious leaders — problem of the plebeians, rebellion, 
tribunes, assembly, decemvirs — laws of XII tables — the legal tra- 
dition of all this. 



The Keltic Invasion 279 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. The three divisions of the new period 
with dates. 2. What is meant by imperium, century, con- 
nubium, right of appeal? 3. State briefly the position and 
power of the censor, the quaestor. 4. Distinguish between 
the two periods in the history of the tribune. 5. What was 
the traditional date of the Decemvirate ? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the laws of the twelve 
tables here given with those of the code of Hammurabi (§ 37). 
2. Compare the Decemvirate with the Greek Lawgivers (§§ 125- 
126) in origin, purpose and results of work. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The New 
Aristocratic Republic: General View of its Constitutional His- 
tory to 390 B.C. Shuckburgh, ch. 8; West, pp. 279-288; Abbott, 
pp. 24-34. 2. General View of its External History. Shuck- 
burgh, chs. 6, 7; How and Leigh, chs. 7, 10. 3. The Consul. How 
and Leigh, pp. 47-50; Shuckburgh, pp. 203-205; Abbott, p. 25. 
4. The Tribune. Abbott, pp. 196-202. 5. The Decemvirate. 
Abbott, pp. 30-31; How and Leigh, ch. 8. 6. The Roman 
Citizen, His Rights and Duties. Morey, pp. 63-64. 7. The Cen- 
turiate Assembly. Abbott, pp. 26-27, 253-259. 8. The Ques- 
tion of the Comitia Tributa. Abbott, pp. :i7„ 259-261; Myres, 
p. 77 (note). 9. The Twelve Tables. Munro, pp. 54-55 (source); 
Shuckburgh, pp. 101-104. 



(2) THE UNION OF ITALY UNDER ROME 
390-265 B.C. 

332. During the latter part of the preceding century The Keltic 
swarms of Kelts had been pouring down from central 
Europe over the Alpine passes into the valley of the Po. 
They filled it to overflowing, drove the Ligurians back 
into the western hills and the Etruscans into the western 
plain, and began to push southward over the Apennines. 
We have already seen them forcing their way into Greece 
and Asia Minor, though at a later period (§ 284). They 



280 



Union of Italy under Rome 



Burning 
of Rome. 



Rome's 

Rapid 

Recovery. 



were rude, savage warriors, of huge bulk, with mighty 
weapons, attacking their opponents with an impetuous fury 
that usually carried all before it. Soon they appeared 
in the western plain, attracted by the fertility of the soil 
and the wealth of the inhabitants. Etruria was overrun; 
a bold band appeared in the vicinity of Rome, defeated 
the Roman army, captured and burned the city (about 
390 B.C.). 

The story goes that Roman ambassadors, sent into Etruria to 
treat with the oncoming Kelts, had joined with the Etruscans in 
fighting against them. Incensed at this, the Kelts under their 
chief, Brennus, advanced rapidly on Rome. The Romans, unpre- 
pared, hastily gathered a force and met the invaders eleven miles 
from Rome, at the river Allia, and were utterly defeated. A few es- 
caped into the citadel, leaving the gates of the city open. The Kelts 
entered the city abandoned by all except the defenders of the citadel 
and the senators sitting in state in their porches. The city was set on 
fire and the citadel besieged. Once it was almost captured by night, 
only the sacred geese by cackling and clapping their wings aroused 
the defenders in time. The scattered Romans were united under a 
leader, Camillus, who was made Dictator. The Kelts were driven 
out. Then the city was rebuilt. 

333. Rome's day of power seemed over. It might 
have been so, had the Keltic fury burst upon her alone. 
But other states had suffered in north and south. When 
Rome recovered and had rebuilt the city, she was still as 
strong as her neighbors and was eager to fight again with 
the invaders. The danger from the Kelts was serious. 
Their bands were constantly coming over the Apennines. 
It was the question of questions whether they would not 
overpower all Italy. For forty years, from 390 to 350 B.C., 
the peril was pressing. The Romans stood in the breach 
and, for at least five times in those years, they met and 



The Samnite Wars 281 

repulsed Keltic raids. Thus the Romans really saved stands as 
all that Italy had gained in political power and civilization ^^^l^^^^ 
from being destroyed. The other states recognized this; 
Rome came to be regarded as the defender of the states 
of the western plain against attacks. People outside of 
Italy heard of it. The Greek philosopher Aristotle (§ 276) 
knew of her gallant defence against the Kelts. From 
this time on, she ceased to be a mere petty state, fighting 
with neighbors, and stepped into the larger history of the 
world. 

334. During those forty years Rome finally overcame Etruria 
the neighboring states with which she had fought so long. ^°"' 
Etruria, as far north as the Ciminian forest, the Latin 
cities, and even the Volsci, were united under Roman 
leadership. The river Liris was Rome's southern boun- 
dary. Soon that was crossed and Campania was entered. 

This advance meant war with the Samnites. 

335. The advance of the Kelts southward had affected wars with 
not only the people of the plain but also the mountain- J^tJ*™' 
eers. They had been pushed on and had crowded the 
southern tribes. Chief among the people that felt this 
pressure were the Samnites, a strong and warlike confed- 
eracy, possessing greater power and unity than any moun- 
tain peoples hitherto met by Rome. They naturally fell 

upon the plain beneath them, the populous and fertile 
Campania. The Campanians appealed to Rome for aid 
and offered to accept Roman authority. Commercial 
interests united with ambition to lead the Romans to accept 
the offer and oppose the Samnites. The war that followed 
was long and trying, broken by intervals of peace ; it lasted 
for half a century (343-290 B.C.) and drew almost all the 
states of central and southern Italy into its toils. The first First War. 



282 Union of Italy under Rome 



The Latin 
Revolt. 



Second 
War. 



Third War. 



Victory of 
Rome. 



Difficulties 

with 

Magna 

Grajcia. 



contest was short (343-341 B.C.) ; the peace that followed 
gave Rome the headship of Campania. The next fifteen 
years saw the crushing of a rebellion in Latium, the cities 
of which began to fear that Rome was growing too strong. 
In 326 B.C. war broke out again with the Samnites. After 
a severe defeat at the battle of the Caudine Forks, where 
their soldiers were compelled to pass under a yoke made 
of three spears as a token of disgraceful submission, the 
Romans steadily gained. The Samnites stirred up the 
people of the plain who feared Rome's growing power; the 
Etruscans joined them and the Umbrians of the upper 
Apennines; but Roman valor triumphed and peace again 
marked Rome's success in 304 B.C. The reappearance of 
the Kelts stirred up the third struggle, in which Etruscans, 
Umbrians, Lucanians and Kelts united under Samnite 
direction for a final attempt to break Roman headship 
(298 B.C.). The culminating point was the battle of Sen- 
tinum (295 B.C.), in Umbria, where the soldiers of the 
alliance were beaten by the Romans. The treaty which 
ended the war in 290 B.C. settled Rome's superiority. 
Roman authority was now supreme from the upper Apen- 
nines to the foot of Italy. The mountaineers would never 
more trouble the plain. 

336. Rome's sphere of influence now bordered on the 
territory of the Greek cities in southern Italy. The in- 
fluence of Greek culture and political life upon Rome had 
already been considerable and the opportunities of com- 
mercial intercourse had brought both parties into friendly 
relations. Some time before 300 B.C. a treaty between 
Rome and Tarentum had been made. Thus, when the 
mountaineers, defeated in the western plain, began to 
make inroads into Magna Graecia, it was natural that 



with 



these Wars 



Growth of Plebeian Power 283 

several of the Greek cities should look to Rome for defence. 
But Tarentum was not so inclined; as Rome gained head- 
ship over the other Greek cities by reUeving them from 
their enemies, she took offence. How she gained the help of 
the vaUant Pyrrhus of Epirus has already been told (§ 283). m ^^^^^ 
In the war that followed (281-272 B.C.), the skilful Greek 
general at first defeated the Romans by his elephants and 
his cavalry. But at last he was beaten at Beneventum 
and returned to Epirus, leaving Tarentum to make terms 
with Rome as best she could. She submitted and Roman 
power soon became supreme over all the southern coast 

of Italy (270 B.C.). 

337. This period of more than a century, in which Dunng 
Rome extended her sway in Italy, was marked by some ,^l'" 
important changes in her inner life. The progress of the Pieb^eians 
plebeians toward pohtical supremacy (§§ 329-330) con- xheir^^^ 
tinned. So far as the offices were concerned, they sue- p°;;j^ 
ceeded in obtaining entrance, first to one of the consul- 
ships, then to both, then to all the offices hitherto reserved 
to the patricians. Soon even the pontifices and the 
augurs could be chosen from among them. As for their 
legislative power in the comitia tributa (§ 330), it was 
estabUshed as supreme even over the senate; the latter 
now gave its assent beforehand to laws proposed by the 
people in this assembly. Finally, even this assent was 

not required. 

338. The tradition has preserved these changes m a The Tradi- 
series of legal enactments as follows : series of 

367 B c The laws proposed by Licinius and Sextus provided that 
at least one consul should be plebeian and that ten priests should 
have charge of the Sibylline books (§ 315), half of whom should 
be plebeians. Other parts of this legislation relate to limitations on 



Laws. 



284 Union of Italy under Rome 

the holding of land, interest on debts and the employment of slave 
labor. 

339 B.C. The Publilian law (of Publilius Philo) provided that the 
assent of the senate to the measures of the comitia should be given 
beforehand. 

300 B.C. The Ogulnian law provided that a certain number of 
places in the pontificate and augurate should be held by plebeians. 

287 B.C. The Hortensian law provided that the assent of the 
senate to laws of the comitia was not required. 



Political 
Unity of the 
Citizen 
Body 
Secured, 



But Rise of 
Other Dis- 
tinctions, 



339. The truth is that the old distinction between pa- 
trician and plebeian was practically wiped out. The 
Roman state was now one people Opportunity for more 
people to take part in pubHc affairs was given by the action 
of Appius Claudius, the censor, in 312 B.C. He enrolled in 
the tribes those whose property was not in land and even 
well-to-do freedmen, thus giving to them the same citizen 
rights as the landed proprietors. It was another step toward 
general political equality. But right along with the re- 
moval of the distinction made by blood arose another made 
by wealth and official position. Commerce and war had 
given many plebeians riches, while many others had become 
poor. It soon came to be the rule that, though all ple- 
beians were eligible, only rich men should be chosen for 
public ofhce. The officials when their term of office ex- 
pired went into the senate,* which, therefore, was a body of 
wealthy men who had experience in political and military 
affairs. Wealth, coupled with wisdom, has the best chance 
for leadership ; hence it very naturally came about that the 
senate took the direction of affairs, although the people 

* The restriction to ex-officials in the choice of senators was established 
by the Ovinian law, by which also the censor was substituted for the 
consul as the official who appointed the senators. This law dates from 
some time before 312 B.C. 



Extension of Citizenship 285 

had the power. The oHgarchy of wealth and official a riew 
position occupied the place of the oligarchy of birth; the ^^^^^'''^^^y- 
people accepted the change and continued to be led. 

340. No less remarkable than the gradual extension Roman or- 
of Roman power over the territory of Italy was Rome's ofTtlTy**" 
organization of the lands acknowledging its headship. 
Rome's membership in the Latin League at the beginning 

of its career was a determining factor in its policy toward The 
neighbors; the city stood as a chief among equals, not as a ^""*^'p^^' 
conqueror ruling subjects. 

341. In harmony with this fundamental idea the Ro- incorpora- 
mans, first of all, made many of the communities they conq^uered 
absorbed parts of the Roman state and their people citi- People as 
zens. At first and for a long time to be a Roman citizen 
involved more burdens than privileges. Citizens had to 

serve in the armies and pay taxes ; we have seen the hard- 
ships that these brought in their train (§ 329). Some 
communities had all the obligations of citizens forced 
upon them, without obtaining in return the privilege of 
the franchise.* Romans were sent out to form colonies at Roman 
important points on the western coast or to settle on pub- ^°^°°'®s- 
lie lands; such colonists retained their citizenship. As a 
result of these various measures, groups of Roman citizens 
were found scattered all over Italy. At the end of this 
period, those with full rights numbered not far from 300,- 
000 people and occupied about a third of all the territory 
of Italy. They were organized into thirty-five tribes, 
meeting and voting in the comitia. As for the local gov- 
ernment of these communities, this was largely in their 

*This was called the Caeritian right, because it had been first applied 
in the case of the Etruscan city of Caere. Such cities were called rau- 
nicipia, i.e., " the takers up of burdens " — a characteristic title I 



286 Union of Italy under Rome 

own hands and was formed on Roman models. But in 
Prefects. the case of the administration of justice, prefects were 
sent out from Rome to hold court in the municipia at 
regular times, since Roman law was new to them. Like- 
wise, where districts in which no cities existed were 
taken into the Roman state, Roman prefects were placed 
in charge. 

342. Other communities were made " allies and friends." 
They had neither the rights nor the obligations of citizens. 
Allied The most favored allies were those given rights enjoyed 

states. formerly by the old Latin League, which had now disap- 
peared. The members could trade with Rome and marry 
into Roman families.* Many colonies were sent out from 
Rome under this system to occupy strategic positions. 
Latin Thcsc wcrc Called "Latin Colonies." A Roman who 

Colonies. ^^Q^it out to join a " Latin colony " gave up his citizenship,! 
but, in addition to the privileges already mentioned, could 
share in the booty of Roman wars and claim his part of 
the pubHc land. In course of time these privileges were 
somewhat restricted, but the "Latin colony" was always 
on a higher plane than other allied communities. Next 
Italian bclow thcsc wcrc the Italian allies, each of which had a 
separate treaty with Rome defining its status. All allies 
of whatsoever status could have relations with each other 
only through Rome. While they had independence so far 
as home poHtics was concerned, Rome decided on all 
foreign affairs, matters of war and peace and questions re- 
lating to their commercial interests. Each ally furnished 
troops to the Roman army. 

* These rights were technically called commercium and connuhium. 

t As citizenship at this time carried with it heavy burdens, the privilege 
of relinquishing it was really a "bonus" offered to those who were willing 
to leave the city to go to a "Latin colony." 



Allies. 



The New Common Name 287 

343. Thus was slowly and steadily built up a united itaiy 
Italy with its centre and soul in Rome. The state itself, ^"j***^ 

-^ ' under 

made up of the capital city, the Roman colonies and the Rome, 
municipia, was bound up closely with the allies, both those 
given the Latin right and those having separate treaties with 
Rome. The interests of all gathered about the capital, 
yet a large share of local independence preserved the 
sense of freedom and the power of initiative. The system 
of public roads leading from the city to strategic points Roads, 
aided in binding these cities to Rome. It is not to be 
wondered at, therefore, that, as this period drew to a close, 
a common name arose both for land and people. The 
defence against the alien Kelts stimulated this sense of 
oneness. The land was now called Italy, and the people The 
of Italy, distinguishing their common dress from that of ^8™^°'^ 
the Kelts, were called " men of the toga." 

344. During the years in which the union of Italy was 
accomplished, important advances were made in the Ro- 
man military organization. The old Servian system Military 
(§316) was not equal to the new demands, either in its f/t^^^^"*' 
conditions of service or its organization. Instead of re- 
quiring the citizen to equip and support himself, the 

state now supplied him arms and rations and paid him for 
his service. He was also usually granted a share of the 
booty, although in theory all that was taken belonged to 
the state and was turned into the public treasury. As 
respects organization, the arrangement of the men in the 
legion according to property gave way to that according 
to valor, ability and experience. The solid phalanx on 
the Greek model was found unable to stand the fierce 
rushes of the Kelts and the Samnites, and was altered to a 
loose formation. The legion was divided into three lines, 



288 Union of Italy under Rome 



The New 
Order of 
the Legion. 



The Camp. 



The Oath. 



The 
Triumph. 



separated sharply from each other. Each line was made 
up of ten companies called maniples. Each maniple of 
the first two Hnes had a front of twenty men and a depth 
of six men (the third had a depth of three men), and each 
was separated from the other by a space of at least its own 
width. The maniples of the second line were placed so as 
to face the spaces made by the first line; and those of the 
third line faced the spaces left by the second. In battle, 
the first line, if beaten back, could retire into the space 
left in the second hne, which then took up the attack, while 
the third line, which was composed of the most able and 
experienced veterans, could if necessary advance through 
the openings and permit the other Hnes to retire. Behind 
each line was a body of maniples of light-armed troops 
two men deep, making 4,200 men in the legion. The 
soldiers were armed with helmets, cuirasses and shields 
for defence, and with swords, lances, pikes and javelins 
for attack. The alHed troops fought on each side of the 
legion. The cavalry, placed outside the wings, was in- 
significant in numbers and played no great part. To 
avoid a sudden attack a Roman army made a fortified camp 
whenever it halted for the night. Every voting citizen 
between the ages of seventeen and forty-six was liable to 
be levied for military service; he must take the solemn 
military oath before the gods and was then entirely under 
the authority of the commander, who exacted absolute 
obedience and had the power of life and death. The 
discipline was exceedingly severe. A great victory was 
the occasion of celebrating a triumph, providing that 
the senate gave its consent. In solemn and splendid 
procession, attended by magistrates and senators, the 
spoils of war before him, the victorious general, seated 



The Triumph .289 

on a chariot, a laurel crown on his nead, and his face 
painted red like the gods, rode into the city at the head 
of his troops to the temple of Jupiter, where he offered 
thanksgiving. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 

2. Rome's Western Empire. 

(i) Rome's defence against neighbors. (2) Union of Italy under 
Rome. The Keltic invasion — Rome's defence and its significance 
— winning of Etruria — wars with Samnites (first war, Latin revolt, 
second war, third war) — wars with Magna Grgecia — Pyrrhus — 
internal development — growth of Plebeian power — laws — unity in 
the state — rise of new distinctions — organization of Italy under 
Rome (conquered made citizens — Roman colonies — others made 
allies — Latin colonies — other means of union — common name) — 
military reorganization — camp — oath — triumph. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following noted: 
Sentinum, Caere, Beneventum, Aristotle? 2. What is meant 
by "men of the toga," Licinian laws, municipium, maniple? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare a "Latin" with a 
" Roman" colony. 2. Compare both with a Greek colony 

(§ 114). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Camillu« 
and the Story of the Keltic Invasion. Plutarch, Life of Camil- 
lus; Seignobos, pp. 60-64. 2. The Samnite Wars. Myres, chs. 
lo-ii. 3. The Latin Revolt. Shuckburgh, pp. 131-133; How 
and Leigh, pp. 102-105. 4. Pyrrhus from the Greek and from 
the Roman Point of View. 5. History of the Plebeian Struggle 
after 390 b.c. Abbott, pp. 34-53; Shuckburgh, ch. 13; Myres, 
ch. 9; Fowler, City State, ch. 7. 6. The Licinian Laws: 
Special Study. Munro, pp.'5 7-60 (sources); Botsford, pp. 85-86; 
Abbott, pp. 36-37; How and Leigh, ch. 12. 7. Roman Or- 
ganization of Italy. Abbott, pp. 57-60; Botsford, pp. 62-63; 
Myres, pp. 146-149. 8. The Roman Army. Seignobos, ch. 7; 
Shuckburgh, pp. 214-218. 



290 Union of Italy under Rome 

The Old 345. This age saw old Roman life at its highest point 



Roman 
Life. 



of Strength and achievement. It was to suffer an almost 
complete transformation as Rome expanded. We may 
pause, therefore, to sketch some of its characteristic 
features. 

occupa- 346. The Roman was devoted chiefly to agriculture. 

At first, cattle-raising, later, the growing of grain, occupied 

Agricuit- him. The product of his farm was principally wheat, but 
he also grew vegetables and fruit. The oHve was widely 
cultivated. Of domestic animals he had cattle, horses, 
sheep and hogs. The farmer with his sons did the work, 
for the farms were usually small. Every eighth day was 
a market-day, when the farmer went to town with his 

Industry, producc. In the city industry was well advanced. The 
workingmen had already organized into unions or guilds 
for the purpose of handing down the secrets of their craft 
from generation to generation. Eight of these unions are 
known — the goldsmiths, the coppersmiths, the dyers, the 
fullers (laundrymen), the shoemakers, the carpenters, the 
potters and the flute-blowers. Trading and commerce 
were profitable employments, but they were not highly 
regarded by the Romans. The same was true of the 

Business. Greeks (§ 176). No independent class of merchants or 
tradesmen was ever formed. This fact shows how dear 
to the Roman heart were the pursuits of agriculture. Yet 
the profits of commerce attracted the better classes who 
had capital and wanted to increase it rapidly; unwilling 
to mix in commerce themselves, they employed slaves or 
dependent freedmen to carry on such pursuits in their 
interest. Thus the business of Rome fell largely into the 
hands of such classes and became still more unworthy of 
freemen. 



PLATE XV 



> ; iK] 




• 








— ii ^ It' 








TYPICAL COINS 



PLATE XVI 




--15rrv 



f'M^ 



<5^f?v^- 












!^ ^ 



14 





TYPICAL COINS 



Simplicity of Life 291 

347. The standard of business value in the earhest time Money, 
was cattle, as is shown by the Latin word for money, pec- 
unia (from pecus, "cattle"). But soon a change to cop- 
per took place; it is witnessed to by our word "estimate'' 
(Latin cBsthnare)^ from ceSj "copper." A pound of it cast 

in a mould was called an as and became the unit of Roman 
coinage. When Rome had united all Italy, a silver coin- 
age was introduced. In 269 B.C. the silver denarius^ 
equal to ten asses, appeared.* 

348. As might be expected of a community composed 
chiefly of farmers, Roman life was simple and rude. The 

house originally consisted of one room, the atrium, in The House, 
which all the family lived. It had no windows and but 
one door. Opposite the door was the hearth. An open- 
ing in the centre of the roof let the smoke out and the light 
and rain in. The latter fell into a hollow in the floor just 
beneath the opening. In time, this primitive house was 
enlarged on the sides and in the rear. The walls were 
built of stone or sun-baked brick covered with stucco; 
the floor was of earth mixed with stone and fragments of 
pottery pounded down hard ; the roof of thatch, shingles, 
or tile. A couch, table and stool constituted the furniture. Furniture. 
The lamp was a flat, covered vessel holding oil; through 
a hole in the top a coarse wick was drawn, whence came a 
feeble, flickering light. In cold weather a box containing 
hot coals supplied heat. At meal-time the family sat on 
stools around the table. Dinner was served in the middle 
of the day. The chief food in early times was ground Food, 
meal boiled with water. Thus the Roman, like the Scotch- 

* Later the denarius was equal to sixteen asses. The sestertius was 
one-fourth of the denarius. A sum of money equal to one thousand 
sestertii was called sestertium. 



»:* Umiom of Italff mmdtr Bon^ 

-. " ~:— sTrrrz on pooidge. Poik was the favcwriie 
- AXKds lor hog and half a dosen f(H- sau- 

5^ Biead of wheat w badey was baked 

i: >~" f- ~ --fse and haaey were used 

-r :r «• Tnift. Wine w^as 

Dc: rrzizin. W^tn ^r.zi^ :: — 25 mixed with watJO-. 
V :Ji li : ; cabbages and 

:. :.? zj -^ and phims, 

T _ : .::r 3v:~iz iz ills food 



_:as -nci. 



>npt-r7 



Tke Bamam VamSt^ 293 

of the Can^NB MaitiaB» m numiug, w ictfl ng and feats of 
arms. These weie, howeter, liaiiiing for cddzeodbip and 
service; it has been wdl said that the Rofn^ :>idesL 

ofqwctlor^Kjctfssake. Life was too sted roaos. 

For iriaxitinn tfaer tamed to <*»rmfig ^Kctades^ of which 
the dnef were the chaziot laces. Ther were mn hi the 
Cizcos Mazinms, winch laj between the Paktine and the 
\¥gntiiie, orer a narrow pli qiriral frrrr^ rnvprpH wrrii qnH; 
seven laps, about fear miles, wiae nxn; the tniDs 
sbaip and dai^ezoos; chanots we lo be 

md dmexs killed; all this nosed e~ ^: to fever 

But no Roman paitidpated except as a ^ectator; 
or slaves acted as chaziateeis. The same was true of the 
thfatrifal r:ihihitinns. The slage in die Oini^ which was 
erected e^ ^- B.C.. ^^'?« rrroiied by pesons whom the 
R:n^:ii bie; to daiMie or to pLij in 

r J :r slaves. To the in- 

Yy_ -- "iTitn tn<r "•*:—- ": -^ _— 



I- 



msieet. 2ji 



294 Union of Italy under Rome 

the father. Of course these powers of the father were 
practically limited; a wife could not be divorced nor a 
child put to death by him without good cause and after 
consultation with other members of the family ; nor could 

Marriage, the family property be disposed of arbitrarily. Marriage 
was a religious as well as a civic affair; a solemn betrothal 
preceded, sealed by a ring placed on the third finger of the 
left hand ; the consent of the bride was required ; the mar- 
riage ceremony consisted of the joining of hands, the sign- 
ing of a contract, sacrifices by the religious officials, and 
other ceremonials. On the weddmg-day the mother 
dressed the bride, who wore a veil'; the husband went 
through a form of taking her by force from her father's 
house; a wedding-feast and a bridal procession were feat- 
ures of the affair. The bride brought a dowry to her 

The husband. A matron at Rome, in contrast with Greek 

Mother. custom (§ 1 79), held a very important position. She 
managed the household, trained her children, received 
her guests in person, was honored in public, was given a 
special place at entertainments, engaged in special religious 
festivals, could give testimony in the courts. It has been 
said that marriage gave the Roman woman "a position 
unattained by the women of any other nation in the ancient 
world." Children, particularly sons, were highly prized 

Children, and Carefully trained. On the son depended the future 
of the family. The day of the giving the boy his name * 
was a festal time in which an amulet (bulla) was hung about 
his neck and presents were made. If a family had no son, 

Adoption, onc might be formally adopted and he became in all re- 

* First of all, he bore the name of the house (gens) ; this was the nomen. 
Preceding this came the personal name (prcpnomen) given a few days 
after birth. Following the nomen was the cognomen or family name. 



Roman Education 295 

spects a member of the family and took the family name 
in addition to his own. 

351. All these facts help us to see how fundamentally importance 
important the family was at Rome. It included the dead ^/^^^ ^^^' 
as well as the living, all bound together in one solemn unity. Roman 
On the preservation of the family depended the continuance 

of the sacrificial rites in which living and dead were 
thought to join. Hence the birth and rearing of children 
was all-important. In the atrium (§ 348) stood the wax 
images of the dead to remind the living of the abiding tie 
of relationship. The paterfamiHas received his authority 
over the family as its representative, the trustee of its prop- 
erty, the pledge of its continuance. Thus the importance Superior 
of any individual member was subordinate to and sunk individual, 
in the higher unity of the whole. Obedience and service 
were the watchwords ; devotion to the interests of the family 
was superior to all personal advantage. No wonder that 
under this training men of honor and fidelity, women of 
discretion and purity, grew up to serve and glorify their 
fatherland. 

352. Education corresponded to the thoroughly practical Education, 
bent of the Roman character. Up to seven years of age 

the children were trained at home by the mother. Then 
the boy was sent to school, while the girl was kept at home of Girls, 
to be further instructed in domestic arts. Roman women 
were not highly educated, yet the liberty they enjoyed, 
the companionship of their husbands and family and the 
respect shown them in society were in themselves an edu- 
cation. It is said that they spoke the best and purest Latin. 
Boys were sent to private schools. They were attended of Boys, 
by a slave (called "pedagogue") and were taught by slaves 
or freedmen the rudiments of education in reading, writing 



296 



Union of Italy under Rome 



Public Life. 



Admission 
to Citizen- 
ship. 



The 
Assembly. 



The State 
Superior to 
the Indi- 
vidual. 



Importance 
of Law. 



and arithmetic. Work began before sunrise. The teacher 
was paid a small fee and the discipline was harsh. No 
text-books were used, except that the code of the Twelve 
Tables (§ 330) was read, written and committed to mem- 
ory. It is claimed that, although higher subjects were 
not taught, the elements at least of education were more 
generally diffused among the Romans than elsewhere in 
antiquity. 

353. The participation in pubUc life was also educative. 
The youth at about seventeen years of age attained his 
majority and began his public career; he laid aside his 
toga prcBfexta and assumed the toga virilis; surrounded 
by his family and friends he went to the Forum and, amid 
congratulations, his name was enrolled on the list of citi- 
zens and he was free to attend the several comitia. On a 
favorable day the comitia convened by order of the mag- 
istrate. The proper sacrifices were made. The magis- 
trate made known the purpose of the assembly ; only those 
could speak to whom he gave permission. Each citizen 
gave his vote orally in the group to which he belonged ; the 
decision of the majority in the group determined its vote, 
which then was counted as one in determining the final 
vote of the groups. The meeting closed before sunset and 
could be adjourned by the magistrate at any time, should 
he regard the omens as unfavorable. The citizen was con- 
stantly under the strict surveillance of the authorities. 
The censor (§ 328) examined into his private life and 
punished any breaches of social custom by fines or even 
suspension from civic rights. In the administration of 
justice he appeared before judicial officers, such as the 
praetors; no lawyers existed; plaintiff and defendant 
must plead their own causes; the magistrate acting under 



Science and Art 297 

the written law of the Twelve Tables interpreted its appli- 
cation and issued his judgment. An appeal might be 
taken to the comitia. Private persons were sometimes 
appointed by the magistrate to hear cases and give de- 
cisions. Out of all this procedure came in course of 
time the body of pubHc and private law which is one of 
Rome's chief glories. 

354. In the higher ranges of art and science we must Science: 
not expect old Rome to excel. Its science was practical practical 
like all the rest of its works. The year consisted of twelve character, 
months ; it began in March. The days of the month were 
indicated by their relation to the moon's changes. The day 
of the new moon, the beginning of the month, was called The 
the Kalends; * the day of the full moon, the middle of the 
month, the Ides; the ninth day before the Ides was the 
Nones; the other days were named by reckoning from these 
fixed points. All the days of the year were given a special 
religious significance, either good or bad. Business could 
be done only on the good days, which made up more than 
two-thirds of the year. In 304 B.C. a calendar on which 
the character of the days was indicated was published. 
The whole arrangement was quite imperfect. In archi- Architect- 
tecture the most characteristic achievements were the 
roads, the bridges and the aqueducts, which began to be 
built on a grand scale. The arch had a great history at 
Rome. The chief priesthood had a name which connected 
it with bridge-building (pontifices). The solidity of the 
Roman character was already reflected in the archi- 
tecture. In decorative and plastic art but a few begin- other 
nings had been made. The bronze wolf in the Forum and 
the bronze Jupiter of the Capitol date from about 290 B.C.; 

* Whence comes our "Calendar." 



ure. 



Art. 



298 



Union of Italy under Rome 



Literature. 



Morals 

and 

Religion. 



Sense of 
Duty. 



Form and 
Spirit of 
Religion. 



the stone sarcophagus of Scipio, from about the same 
period, was a simple but strong work. A beautiful casket 
of like date illustrates as do the other works of art the 
source of the artistic impulse; Greeks were the teachers 
of Rome in these things. The beginnings of painting 
belong also to this same age. Literature was even less 
advanced. The laws of the Twelve Tables constituted the 
one Roman book. Ballads and heroic poems in a rude 
metre were sung, but were as yet unwritten. Some pubKc 
records, lists of magistrates, religious rituals and the like — 
these alone constituted the barren Roman literature of the 
time. 

355. The rude, severe and scrupulous temper of the old 
Roman is revealed in his moral standards and rehgious 
life. Much of it has appeared in what has already been 
told — the power of the father, the subordination of the 
individual to family and state, the exposure of new-born 
children, the position of the slave in the household, a 
mere unhuman chattel. In its worthiest manifestation 
this old Roman spirit showed itself in the conviction that 
everyone had his place and work in the community. Let 
a man do his work in the sphere in which he is born ; be it 
father, son or slave, be it patron or client, be it consul or 
soldier in the ranks — let him not seek to be above his place 
and work or fall beneath it. Religion was still of the type 
which has been described (§§ 314-315); everywhere the 
divine powers were present and their relations to man were 
worked out in greater detail and their favorable action 
secured by complex rituals. Still lived the profound faith 
in the fidelity of the gods to their word and the corre- 
sponding obligation and opportunity of man to do his 
part toward them. This reaches its highest point in the 



Appius 
Claudius. 



Appius Claudius 299 

voluntary self-sacrifice of the individual for the interest of 
the state — the devotiOy as it was called. 

In a decisive battle of the Samnite war the consul, Publius De- 
cius Mus, saw his legions broken and fleeing before the enemy. 
Whereupon he called to himself the priest and charged him to utter 
the solemn formula whereby a victim was devoted. The words 
having been uttered, he cried out that he drove before him fear and 
fright, slaughter and blood and the wrath of gods above and below, 
and that with the contagion of the Furies, ministers of death, he 
infected the standards and the arms of the enemy. With this curse, 
and conscious that, like his fathers, he offered himself as a victim to 
ward off the peril from his country, he spurred forward his horse 
where the enemy's force was thickest and found death at the points 
of their spears. 

356. The broadening of life, as this period draws to a a Type 
close, is shown in one of the famous men of the time, Ap- 
pius Claudius, the censor. It was he who built the first 
Roman road, the Appian Way, which led southward to 
Campania; the first aqueduct, Hkewise, was his work. 
He was also a patron of letters; to him are ascribed 
written speeches, wise maxims, and the first collection of 
legal decisions. Even the study of grammar looks back 
to him. Other men followed in his footsteps. Rome, 
the head of Italy, rose from provincial manners and cus- 
toms to be a cosmopolitan city. She was at the turning 
of the ways. Soon Greek learning and manners would 
come in like a flood and the old Rome disappear forever. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 

2. Rome's Western Empire, (i) Rome's defence against neighbors. 

(2) Union of Italy under Rome. Roman Life in this Epoch: 



300 The Struggle with Carthage 

(a) Occupations. (&) The house, (c) Food and dress, {d) Amuse- 
ments, {e) The family. (/) Education, {g) PubHc h"fe. (/z) Science. 
{i) Art and Uterature. (;) Morals and religion. {k) Appius 
Claudius. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What light on Roman life is thrown 
by the following: pecunia; toga virilis; devotio? 2. What is 
meant by denarius, censor, Kalends, atrium, nomen? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Greek (§§ 176, 177) 
and Roman estimate of business life. 2. In what did the Ro- 
man idea of Amusement differ from the Greek (§§ 1 10, 1 18, 138, 
180, 183, 184, 186) ? 3. Compare the Roman idea of the Fam- 
ily with the Oriental (§ 25). 4. Would a Greek have acted as 
did Decius Mus (§ 355) ? State reasons for or against. 



(3) THE STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE FOR 
THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN 

265-200 B.C. 



Roman 
Responsi- 
bility for 
Italy. 



Threaten- 
ing Expan- 
sion of 
Carthage. 



357. Rome was now head of the Italian land, unifier 
and protector of its peoples. But this high position in- 
volved responsibility (i) for the defence of its coasts and 
(2) for the protection of its commerce. Dangers in both 
of these directions appeared on account of the expansion 
of the power of the African city, Carthage. The founding 
of Carthage and its commercial activity in the western 
Mediterranean have already been mentioned (§ 323). 
North Africa as far as the Atlantic was under its authority, 
as was also a goodly share of Sicily. In that island Car- 
thage had waged long wars with the Greeks for supremacy 
(§§ 154, 222, 282). Its ships had contested the trade of 
the Adriatic Sea, with the Greeks of Magna Graecia and 



The Struggle Inevitable 301 

were found in every port of the west. Corsica, Sardinia 
and portions of the Spanish peninsula were its possessions; 
while the trade of all Spain was in its hands. Such 
commercial influence and activity brought immense wealth 
to the city, and for centuries had given it easily the leading 
position in the west. 

358. As long as Rome was an inland and provincial change in 
city, occupied with local affairs, interested in local trade, of^RomT 
relations with Carthage had been friendly. Indeed, when ^^^ 
Italy had been threatened by the Greeks, led by Pyrrhus unavoid- 
(§ 283), Rome and Carthage had formed an alliance. But ^^^®* 
now the situation was changed. Rome had taken into 

its possession the Greek cities of Italy and was bound to 
protect their interests. Thus at this point it came into 
touch with Carthage's commercial activity. Nor could 
Carthage, on its part, accept willingly a limitation of its 
commerce. It is indispensable to every such community 
to enlarge and strengthen its trade. The one region re- 
maining in the west which could thus be exploited was 
Italy. Accordingly, it is not strange that Carthaginian 
pressure upon the Italian peninsula grew greater just at 
the moment when Rome's duty of protecting Italy became 
clear to her statesmen. In these circumstances a conflict 
of interests leading to open war was unavoidable. 

359. The occasion that opened the breach was insig- sidiythe 
nificant. Its scene was the contested ground of Sicily. the^Jst 
There, after the death of Agathocles of Syracuse (§ 282), Breach, 
a band of his mercenaries, calling themselves Mamertines 
("Sons of Mars"), had seized Mcssana, the Sicilian town 
nearest Italy, and held it against all comers, until, wearied 

out by the attacks of Hiero, king of Syracuse, they ap- 
pealed to Rome. While the appeal was being considered, 



302 



The Struggle with Carthage 



The First 

Punic 

War. 



the Carthaginians seized the town. The Romans finally 
decided to help the Mamertines and despatched a force 




which expelled the Carthaginian garrison. Thus war 
with Carthage was declared (264 B.C.). 

360. This war, called the First Punic * War, lasted for 
nearly a quarter of a century. It was mostly a series of 
naval battles, in which the Greek cities of Italy furnished 
the Romans ships and sailors. In these ships Roman 
soldiers stubbornly contested the supremacy of the sea with 
the fleets of Carthage. Sicily was at first the scene of 
the land struggle, until the Roman consuls crossed over 

*" Punic" is a form of "Phoenician." Carthage was ^ Phoenician 
or Punic colony. 



Carthage in Spain 303 

to Africa, where, at first successful, they were finally de- 
feated disastrously and the consul Regulus surrendered. 
Still the Romans fought on by sea and land, year after The 
year, until a great victory at the ^Egates islands (242 B.C.) viTo^uj^us. 
compelled Carthage to ask for peace. It was granted on 
these terms: Carthage retired from Sicily and the islands 
between Sicily and Italy; she promised also to pay during 
a period of ten years 3,200 talents (241 B.C.). 

361. But the strength of the Punic city was by no means Both 
exhausted; the conflict was sure to break out again when pausTfor 
time and resources were favorable to its renewal. Mean- Breath, 
while Carthage had to suffer a further humiliation in the 
seizure of Sardinia and Corsica by the Romans and an 
additional payment of 1,200 talents (238 B.C.). Rome, 

also, had other difficulties on hand which occupied its at- 
tention. The Gauls beyond the Po were causing trouble 
and a war of several years followed, which resulted in the 
reduction of all the land between the Alps and the Apen- 
nines, the district called Cisalpine Gaul (222 B.C.). The 
annoyance caused by Illyrian pirates to Roman commerce 
in the Adriatic brought on the Illyrian war, in which due 
punishment was inflicted on the aggressors and friendly 
relations established with the Greek states (§ 295). 

362. The occasion for the second struggle with Car- xhePunic 
thage appeared in an unexpected quarter. One of the 5°^" *" 
most skilful Punic generals, Hamilcar, surnamed Barca 

("the lightning"), animated by an inextinguishable 
hatred for Rome, retired to Spain after the first Punic 
war and there spent nine years in building up a Carthagin- 
ian power which might furnish men and money to renew 
the war with Rome. After his death, his son Hannibal, 
with splendid vigor and success, carried on his work. Hannibai. 



304 



The Struggle with Carthage 



The Second 

Punic 

War 



Hannibal 

Invades 

Italy. 



Hannibal 
in Italy. 



Defeat of 

Roman 

Armies. 



The wild tribes south of the river Ebro were tamed, united 
and organized into an effective fighting force. Money 
and munitions of war were collected and a plan of cam- 
paign, bold beyond all expectation, was devised. The 
first step precipitated war. Saguntum, a city in alHance 
with Rome, was attacked and captured. Then with an 
army of 50,000 infantry and 9,000 cavalry, supported 
by fighting elephants, Hannibal marched northward 
with no less audacious a design than the crossing of the 
Alps and the descent into northern Italy. After almost 
incredible hardships, through fightings with wild tribes 
and the fierceness of winter storms among the high Alps, 
the army, reduced to less than half its number, stood ex- 
hausted, but triumphant, on the plains of Cisalpine Gaul. 
363. And now began a duel to the death, the Second 
Punic War (218 B.C.). The fate of Rome hung on the 

loyalty of the al- 
lied cities of Italy. 
The newly con- 
quered Gauls soon 
rose and flocked 
to Hannibal. The 
Roman army un- 
der the consuls 
was routed at bat- 
tles on the banks 
of the rivers Ti- 
cinus and the Tre- 
bia. The next year (217 B.C.) Hannibal, advancing south- 
ward, annihilated another Roman army at Lake Trasi- 
menus in Etruria; the consul Flaminius was killed in the 
battle. Then the Romans in alarm appointed Quintus 




The Crisis of Rome 305 

Fabius Maximus dictator. He would not give battle, but 
followed on the heels of Hannibal as he marched down to 
the southeast ravaging the country. New commanders, the 
consuls ^milius Paulus and Terentius Varro, and a new 
and great army of more than 80,000 men marched out The Dis- 
against him in 216 B.C.; again the Romans were utterly cannae. 
beaten at Cannse in Apulia; one consul, Varro, and ten 
thousand men survived the slaughter. 

364. Rome now appeared on the verge of destruction. The^^ 
The majority of the Roman allies in southern Italy passed Desert, 
over to Hannibal's side-Capua and Tarentum among 
the rest. In Sicily, Syracuse and its dependencies re- 
nounced the Roman aUiance. Hasdrubal, the brother of 
Hannibal, was preparing to follow his brother into Italy. 
Philip V of Macedonia (§§ 292, 295) made an alliance 
with Hannibal. But the heroic Roman spirit remained Rome^^^ 
unshaken. An offer of peace by the victor of Cannae was ^^^ the 
rejected. Roman generals succeeded in keeping Has- Tide Turns, 
drubal, Hannibal's brother, occupied in Spain. An army 
sent to Syracuse captured that city and restored Roman 
power in Sicily. War was declared against Philip. En- 
ergetic efforts were put forth to recover the rebelHous 
ItaUan cities, while further pitched battles with Hannibal 
were avoided. The fortified posts occupied by Roman 
allies all over the land— the Latin colonies— held firmly 
by Rome. Thus gradually the sky brightened, while 
Hannibal's task grew more difficuU. He lost Capua in 
211 B.C., and a dash at Rome in the same year failed. 
Tarentum was taken by the Romans in 209 B.C. The 
crisis of the struggle came when Hasdrubal, eluding the 
enemy in Spain, started for Italy. Already Rome was near 
the end of its resources. Twelve Latin colonies announced 



306 The Struggle with Carthage 

that they could keep up the struggle no longer. If the 
two Carthaginian armies could unite, their victory was 
sure. But in 207 B.C. the army of Hasdrubal was destroyed 
at the river Metaurus, he himself killed, and his head 
thrown over the ramparts of his brother's camp. As Han- 
nibal looked upon it, he is said to have declared, *'I behold 
the fate of Carthage." Soon his diminishing army was shut 
up in the region of Bruttium. Peace was made between 
Rome and Philip. Spain fell into the hands of Publius 
Cornelius Scipio, the brilliant young Roman general, who 
later, in 204 B.C., crossed the sea with an army to carry the 
war into Africa. Hannibal was recalled to defend his 
country and was overthrown by Scipio at the battle of 
Zama (202 B.C.). The war was over; Carthage was 
ruined, and nothing was left but to seek as favorable terms 
of peace as possible. They were not too severe ; Spain and 
the Mediterranean islands were given up; the kingdom 
of Numidia was granted its independence under King 
Massinissa, and war upon it was forbidden ; the fleet was 
destroyed; a payment of two hundred talents yearly for 
fifty years was imposed. Thus Carthage, while not de- 
stroyed, lost its political and commercial supremacy and 
became little more than a dependency of Rome. 

365. In view of the prestige and power possessed by 
Carthage, the victory of Rome is remarkable, and its causes 
worth considering. The Roman state, but just formed 
out of a variety of communities not yet welded together, 
crude in its culture, simple in manners and occupations 
— was confronted by an imperial power of vast wealth, 
splendid traditions, and commercial superiority, its armies 
led by the ablest military genius of his time, perhaps of all 
ancient times. Yet Rome won. The victory illustrates: 



Causes of Roman Success 307 

I. The superiority of a nation of small farmers to a Farmers 

versus 
Capitalists. 



nation of rich capitalists. The bulk of the Roman territory '^""^ 



was divided up into small farms cultivated by their owners ; 
the Carthaginian farms were vast estates cultivated by 
slaves. 

2. The superiority of a political system where the ma- Democracy 
jority are citizens actively interested in the carrying on of o"garchy. 
the state (Roman democracy) to one in which a small 
number of men monopolize public affairs to the exclu- 
sion of the majority (Carthaginian oligarchy). 

3. The superiority of armies gathered from the citizens citizens 
and animated by patriotism to those hired from every Mercenary 
quarter and attached by love of money and plunder or Armies, 
admiration for an individual leader. 

4. The superiority of a state like Rome growing slowly a state 
out of a soil native to it and attaching to itself, by bonds ^^^^^^ ^ 
of citizenship and aUiance, the cities and states round state For- 
about it to a state like Carthage, whose founders came from soii. 
abroad and planted it on foreign soil, where it ruled over 

an alien population, seeking only to exploit them in the 
interest of its commerce. The latter can be more easily 
torn up than the former, the roots of which spread far and 
wide and go down deep. The Roman state was a unity, 
pervaded by a common life; Carthage was a unity, arti- 
ficially held together by external forces, such as strong 
armies, shrewd rulers, great wealth, brilliant generals, 
class interests rather than public welfare. 

366. During this long struggle with a foreign enemy The Roman 
the administration of the Roman state underwent some fng^thtse' 
changes. We have seen that the political strife of patrician Wars, 
and plebeian had ended in the victory of the latter and the 
harmonizing of all interests in a popular government 



308 The Struggle with Carthage 



Growth of 
the 

Senate's 
Power. 



The 

Financial 
Adminis- 
tration. 



The Prob- 
lem of 
Conquered 
Territories. 



(§§ 337-339)- But when war with Carthage came, it was 
found that a strong administration was necessary to con- 
duct it. The citizens, therefore, let the senate manage 
affairs, since it was a compact body of the best men in 
the state and was always at hand in Rome on critical 
occasions. Thus the senate slowly absorbed the powers 
of government, which, in theory, belonged to the people. 
The magistrates, although elected by the people, were 
guided by the senate and fulfilled its will. This was to 
mean much in the future, but at present it worked suc- 
cessfully. The firmness and courage with which the 
senate went about its task of carrying on the war, supply- 
ing soldiers, encouraging the people, resisting all appeals 
for peace until the work was done, is worthy of all praise. 

367. Its solution of two problems is noteworthy. To 
procure money and supplies for carrying on the war it 
adopted a curious plan. Instead of organizing a financial 
system of its own, it sought the aid of wealthy capitaKsts 
and merchants and gave the task into their hands. They 
supplied the money, the ships, the food, the equipment, 
The state was thus relieved from a great burden of busi- 
ness ; but this relief was dearly bought by bringing the state 
into bondage to these men of wealth. As their operations 
widened, the dependence of the administration upon them 
increased. They began to have an undue influence in 
shaping its policy. They made the state serve their in- 
terests.* 

368. The other problem was the relation of the newly 
won territories outside of Italy to the Roman state. We 
have seen that, in bringing Italy under Roman rule, either 

*Such men were called Publicani, "contractors," whence our word 
"publican." 



The Provincial System 309 

the peoples had been made Roman citizens or their rela- 
tions had been determined by a treaty (§ 342). But when, 
at the close of the first Punic war, Sicily and Sardinia be- 
came Roman, neither of these methods was adopted, but a 
consul or a praetor (§ 324) was placed in charge of them. 
This kind of authority, that of a military magistrate deal- 
ing with conquered peoples, was called provincial a name The 
which was also given to the territory thus governed. The ^'■°^'"*^^- 
praetor maintained order and rendered justice in the 
province ; his authority was sustained by a body of Roman 
soldiers. By this means no new magistrates were appointed 
nor any new authority created by the Roman administra- 
tion. The plan worked well enough for a temporary ex- 
pedient, but the dangers of giving the unlimited authority 
of a military magistrate to the governor of conquered ter- 
ritories soon became clear as Rome's conquests extended. 
Of these we shall hear in the coming years. 

369. The year 200 B.C. saw Rome the ruler of the west- Rome 
ern Mediterranean. The regions that had been dominated ^^^^^ 
by Carthage — North Africa, Spain, Sicily, and the other west, 
islands — passed under Roman sway. The city, which 
had successfully united Italy and held it firm against the 
terrific assaults of Hannibal, had now a larger task, the 
ruling of the west. Its imperial destiny was becoming 
clearer. The questions which now pressed for solution 
were such as these: Was Rome's dominion to be limited New 
to the west? Could Rome succeed in uniting and gov- ^'■°^^®™^ 
erning its Empire, as it had succeeded with Italy? In 
these new imperial tasks was Rome itself to remain un- 
changed ? These questions were soon to have their answer. 



310 The Struggle with Carthage 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 

2. Rome's Western Empire. 

(i) Rome's defence against neighbors. (2) Union of Italy under 
Rome. (3) The Struggle with Carthage for the western Medi- 
terranean (265-200 B.C.). Conflict with Carthage unavoidable — its 
occasion — first Punic war — the interval — rise of Hannibal — second 
Punic war (invasion of Italy, Roman defeats, the crisis, recall of 
Hannibal, Carthage beaten) — causes of Rome's victory (compari- 
sons) — growth of power of senate during the war — the finances — 
provincial administration — summary. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following noted: 
Agathocles, Regulus, Fabius Maximus, Philip V, Zama, Me- 
taurus? 2. Name in order the battles of the second Punic war. 
3. What is meant by praetor, quaestor, censor, provincia, punic, 
Latin colony, allied state? 4. What was the duration of this 
period (dates) and how much of it was taken up with the wars 
with Carthage? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Roman province 
with the provinces of Egypt (§ 45), Assyria (§§ 72, 77) and 
Persia (§ 87). 2. Compare Hannibal's invasion of Italy with 
the Persian invasion of Greece (§§ 143, 147-153). 3. "Success 
is in no way necessary to greatness." Does Hannibal's career 
justify this assertion ? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Carthaginian Empire. West, pp. 313-315; Shuckburgh, pp. 
223-232; Myres, pp. 149-152; Horton, pp. 60-63; How and 
Leigh, pp. 143-149. 2. The First Punic War. Shuckburgh, 
chs. 18, 19; How and Leigh, ch. 18. 3. The Second Punic 
War. Shuckburgh, chs. 22-25; Myres, chs. 16-18; How and 
Leigh, chs. 21, 22. 4. The Story of Regulus. Seignobos, pp. 
92-93. 5. Hannibal's March to Italy. Laing, pp. 362-373 
(source); Munro, pp. 85-86 (source); Horton, pp. 78-81. 6. 
The Battle of Cannae. Laing, pp. 372-380 (source) ; Morey, pp. 
117, 118; Shuckburgh, pp. 323-328; How and Leigh, pp. 194- 
198. 7. Fabius Maximus. Plutarch's Life of Fabius. 8. Han- 



Significance of 200 B.C. 311 

nibal as a Man. Laing, pp. 360-362 (source); How and Leigh, 
pp. 171, 172; Seignobos, p. 99. 9. Hannibal as a General: 
His Strategy (a) at Trebia, (b) at Ticinus, (c) at Trasimene, 
(d) at Cannae — see the histories as referred to above. 10. The 
Roman Provincial System. Abbott, pp. 88-91; Horton, ch. 
14; Morey, pp. 146-148. 



3.— ROME'S EASTERN EMPIRE 

200-44 B.C. 

370. The year 200 B.C. marks the moment when the prelimi- 
separate stream of Roman History merges into the main survey 
current of the larger history of the world of the east. How 
rich and splendid in its culture that Greek world had be- 
come and how disorganized, selfish and brutal in its poli- 
tics has already been described (§§ 274, 278, 294). On 
the ruins of Alexander's dream of universal empire had 
sprung up the kingdoms of Macedonia, Syria and Egypt, The 
united in culture and ideals of empire, but each warring kingdoms 
or intriguing against the others in the endeavor to realize 
in itself alone this common ideal. Rome's progress, at 
first only indirectly connected with the eastern world, had 
steadily moved in the direction of closer relations (§ 295). 
Hardly had the conflict with Carthage been won, when 
a war broke out with Macedonia. Thus Rome was in- Rome 
volved directly with the poHtics of the east and could not LorHr 
call a halt until the kingdoms of Macedonia, Syria and *^« ^^st. 
Egypt, with the lesser powers of Greece and Asia Minor, 
became either subjects or allies of Rome. Thus was cre- 
ated an Empire around the Mediterranean sea, from the 
Atlantic to the Euphrates river. This splendid conquer- 



312 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



ing career with its effects on Roman life we are now to 
follow in detail. 

371. The war with Philip V of Macedonia that followed 
his alliance with Hannibal was brought to an end in 205 
B.C. by a treaty of peace, that was hardly more than a 
temporary truce. Philip, however, was the first to violate 
it by attacking Roman alHes in Greece and the east ; the 
Romans were not slow to respond by a declaration of war 
(200 B.C.). The chief powers of Greece, the ^toHan and 
Achaean Leagues (§§ 280, 292), joined with them. After 
two ineffectual years, Titus Quinctius Flamininus led 
the Roman legions to victory at the battle of Cynosceph- 
alae (197 B.C.), in Thessaly, where against the Roman 
maniples the Macedonian phalanx as a fighting machine 
was found wanting. Philip obtained peace at the price 
of becoming a dependent ally of Rome, losing all ter- 
ritory outside of Macedonia and paying 1,000 talents. 
As for Greece itself, the Romans declared its several states 
to be, henceforth, independent of Macedonian authority, 
which had been imposed on Greece since the battle of 
Chgeroneia (§ 250). All Greece was free once more to 
work out its own salvation. Rome had no desire to inter- 
fere with its affairs and would see to it that no other power 
did so. 

372. Antiochus III, king of Syria, however, viewed with 
increasing disfavor the appearance of Rome in the east. 
Roman influence opposed him in Egypt and on the coasts 
of Asia Minor. To him Hannibal had fled after the 
fall of Carthage and kept his anger hot. Now, upon the 
overthrow of Macedonia, a suitable time seemed to him 
to have come to assert his supremacy over Greece. On 
the invitation of the ^tolian League he entered Greece 



Rome and Macedonia 313 

(192 B.C.). But in the next year he was defeated and Antiochus 
driven out. The following year (190 B.C.) the Roman "gjeated. 
army under Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the consul, who was 
aided by his brother, the victor of Zama, crossed into Asia 
Minor and overthrew the army of Antiochus at Magnesia. 
The proud king made a humihating peace, resigned his 
possessions in Europe and Asia Minor and paid a fine of 
15,000 talents. His defeat meant the surrender of Hanni- 
bal, but the great general escaped, only to flee from place 
to place until, in 183 B.C., he ended his own life by poison. 
The territories taken from Antiochus were handed over 
to loyal allies; Eumenes, king of Pergamum, received 
a large share, and his kingdom became, along with Rhodes, 
a bulwark of Roman influence in the East. 

373. Eighteen years passed quietly when, in 171 B.C., xwrd 
war broke out a third time in Macedonia. Philip had ^^^'ji 
been followed by his son Perseus, who succeeded in gain- war. 
ing a number of Greek states to unite with him in resisting 
Rome. They felt that freedom under Roman patronage 
was not real freedom. But Perseus was not the man to 
offer a vigorous resistance; in 168 B.C. he was defeated 
by Lucius ^milius Paulus at Pydna, where again the Pydna. 
Macedonian phalanx was shattered. The king fled with 
his treasure, but was captured; an immense booty was 
brought to Rome, where Paulus enjoyed the most splendid 
"triumph" (§ 344) that the city had ever seen. The state 
treasury was filled so full that the regular tax upon the 
citizens was remitted and was not again imposed for more 
than a century. Macedonia was divided into four sep- settlement 
arate independent districts allied to Rome; the free states Macedonia 
of Greece were severely dealt with. The rebellious leagues and Greece, 
of i^tolia and Boeotia were dissolved. The Achaean 



314 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The 

MaccabaG- 
an Upris- 
ing in 
Judea. 



The 

Roman 

Attitude 

toward the 

Eastern 

Powers. 



League, which had stood loyal, had to send one thousand 
of its leading citizens to Rome, where they were unjustly 
detained in practical exile for many years. Among them 
was Polybius, who afterward wrote a history of Rome. 
Even the loyal allies of Rome in the east, Pergamum and 
Rhodes, were treated harshly. 

374. The next twenty years (168-149 B.C.) show Rome 
at a standstill in eastern affairs. All the eastern powers 
hung upon the word of the senate, and their ambassadors 
thronged the senate-house. During these years the Jews 
burst out in rebellion against Antiochus IV of Syria 
because he had violated the sanctity of their temple and 
trampled upon their sacred law. Led by the valiant fam- 
ily called the Maccabees, they heroically and successfully 
fought off the Syrian armies and sought the aid of Rome, 
who made a treaty with them, but gave no actual help. 
At last they secured their independence in 143 B.C., under 
Simon Maccabseus, and set up a kingdom ruled by mem- 
bers of his family. The greater and lesser powers of the 
East were falhng into decay. The Greek states intrigued 
and squabbled. The kingdoms of Syria and Egypt were 
rent by internal quarrels. Rome stood grimly by and 
waited, vexed by the continual appeals for her aid, yet 
unready to take active steps for interference. 

375. Thus far Rome had been drawn on into the affairs 
of the east with hesitation and uncertainty. The troubles 
with Macedonia and Syria had not been of her making; 
she had avoided responsibihty wherever possible; the 
conquered lands had not been absorbed, but left as de- 
pendents or allies. Moreover, the weaker powers were 
constantly seeking her aid or protection against their more 
powerful and aggressive neighbors. In this Greek world 




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How the Jews Regarded Rome 315 

of unending strife and discord, of intrigue and political 
corruption, the straightforward, simple, upright, sober 
Roman was welcomed as a friend and deliverer by all who 
looked in vain for protection or justice from the greedy 
and brutal powers by whom they were surrounded. His 
presence meant the end of strife, the repression of the proud, 
the revival of prosperity, the reign of peace. How the Attitude 
Romans were looked upon by the lesser peoples of the east ^^J'^^ 
is strikingly shown by a passage from one of the Jewish toward 
books of the time. When the Jews were making their des- 
perate fight for independence they looked about for helpers. 
The first Book of Maccabees says : 

And Judas heard of the fame of the Romans, that they are valiant 
men, and have pleasure in all that join themselves unto them, with 
their friends and such as relied upon them they kept amity; and 
they conquered the kingdoms that were nigh and those that were 
far off, and all that heard of their fame were afraid of them; more- 
over, whomsoever they will to succor and to make kings, these do 
they make kings; and whomsoever they will, do they depose; and 
they are exalted exceedingly: and for all this none of them ever did 
put on a diadem, neither did they clothe themselves with purple, to 
be magnified thereby: and how they had made for themselves a 
senate-house, and day by day three hundred and twenty men sat 
in council, consulting alway for the people, to the end that they might 
be well ordered; and how they commit their government to one man 
year by year, that he should rule over them, and be lord over all their 
country, and all are obedient to that one, and there is neither envy 
nor emulation among them. — i Maccabees, viii, i, 12-16. 

376. As time went on, however, the temper of the Ro- Rome 
mans slowly changed. They could not understand the ch^^^gg 
politics of the East nor the character of its peoples. They its Attitude 
despised the cunning and weakness of the Orientals; they worse. 
were constantly disturbed by the quarrels and intrigues 



316 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



Overthrow 
of Greek 
Freedom. 



Destruc- 
tion of 
Carthage. 



Disturb- 
ances in 
Spain. 



Viriathus. 



of the various states and by outbreaks against their own 
authority. The opportunities for gaining wealth and in- 
fluence afforded by the decay of the eastern powers at- 
tracted them. Thus they came to interfere more and 
more directly, to make an unrighteous use of their superior 
position and power in enforcing obedience to their will; 
they became grasping and arrogant, until, in place of the 
respect and hope which they had once inspired, the Ori- 
entals began to fear and hate them. 

377. Things came to a head in Greece by a rebellion 
in the Macedonian districts (148 B.C.), followed by troubles 
with the Achaean League (146 B.C.). Macedonia was 
made a province; the Achaean League was dissolved; 
Greece was placed under the authority of the governor of 
Macedonia. In connection with the subjection of Greece, 
the city of Corinth was sacked and burned and its art 
treasures carried to Rome. Thus Greek freedom perished, 
but Roman honor and faith were sadly smirched in the 
process. 

378. During these years the Roman name was stained 
by another act of oppression. Taking advantage of cir- 
cumstances which looked like rebellion, the senate found 
a pretext for making war on Carthage and, in spite of its 
heroic resistance, destroyed the city, enslaved the surviv- 
ing inhabitants and formed out of the conquered territory 
the province of Africa (149-146 B.C.) . In Spain the wanton 
injustice and aggression of Roman governors kept the land 
continually in uproar. Fierce wars were waged with the 
various tribes. An heroic defender of Spanish free- 
dom arose in Viriathus, who for nine years (149-140 B.C.) 
not only kept the Romans at bay, but defeated their gen- 
erals, and was finally disposed of by assassination. Ro- 



The Roman Domain in 133 B,C, 317 



man supremacy in Spain was not secured till 133 B.C. The 
same year (133 B.C.) the king of Pergamum, the faithful 
ally of Rome in 
the east, died, be- 
queathing his 
state to the Ro- 
man people. Out 
of it was made the 
province of Asia. 

379. Thus, by 
133 B.C., Rome 
ruled at least 
seven provinces, 
Sicily, Sardinia 
(including Corsi- 
ca ) , Spain (di- 
vided into two), 
Macedonia, Afri- 
ca and Asia.* 
Strong colonies 
dominated Cisal- 
pine Gaul, though 
it had not yet re- 
ceived a provincial organization. The rapid growth of her 
foreign domains had made it impossible for Rome to alter 
the original temporary form of government given to them 
(§ 368) ; it now became permanent. In place of the con- 
suls and praetors, who were sufficiently occupied at home, 
the government of the province was assigned to citizens 
on whom was conferred the same authority as that of a 

* Illyricum was probably also a province at this time, but the date is 
uncertain. 




318 Rome's Eastern Empire 

consul or a praetor and who acted in the place of* these 
The ofhcials. Hence they were called pro-consuls or pro- 

praetors, and were usually the consuls or praetors of the year 
The preceding. A kind of constitution was established for 

conltuu- G^ch province, determining such matters as the tribute to 
tion. ]-)g paid, the status of the different communities in the prov- 

ince and the rights and duties of the provincials. The 
Roman peace was made binding; provincials could not 
bear arms; commercium and connubium (§ 342) between 
the different communities were at first prohibited; a large 
amount of local self-government was allowed. The au- 
thority of the proconsul was wide, Hmited only by the terms 
of the provincial constitution ; his obligations were equally 
extensive. He administered justice, preserved the peace, 
through a quaestor he directed the finances and saw to 
the tribute; he was responsible for the prosperity and 
progress of his province. The collection of the taxes 
was, according to the accepted Roman system (§ 367), 
taken over by a contractor, the puhlicanus, who assumed 
the responsibiHty of paying to the state the amount it re- 
quired, and made a profit out of what he could squeeze 
from the unhappy provincials over and above the legal 
tribute. This ^' farming out " of the taxes was, thus. 
Weakness Capable of scrious abuse. The success of such a system 
System depended upon the character of the governor, since, left 
practically alone with powers so large, he could carry out 
his own will without interference. Appointed for but one 
year, all that he could accomplish for good or ill must be 
done in this brief time. It was not strange, therefore, that 
some of them yielded to temptations to be unjust, selfish 
and cruel. In 149 B.C. it became necessary to establish a 

* The Latin word for "in the place of" is pro. 



Weakness of the Provincial System 319 

court at home where such injustice could be brought to 
trial. But, as the accused could not be tried till his term 
of office was over, and as the court was made up of senators 
who either had been or might become governors of prov- 
inces, the remedy was of little avail. 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 

3. Rome's Eastern Empire. Preliminary Survey : Overthrow of 
Philip V — deliverance of Greece — overthrow of Antiochus III — 
overthrow of Perseus — settlement of Macedonia and Greece — Rome 
and the East : good period (Maccabaean uprising, chaos in the 
East, Roman diplomacy in the East, testimony of Jews) — growth 
of cruelty and selfishness (Greek freedom destroyed, Carthage 
perishes, Spanish wars) — Rome's provincial domain in 133 B.C. — 
the governors, the constitution, weak sides of the system. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Significance of the events connected 
with Cynoscephalse, Pydna, Magnesia. 2. For what are the 
following famous: Viriathus, Simon Maccabaeus, Polybius? 
3. What is meant by Proconsul, Achaean League, Phalanx, 
Kingdom of Syria, Empire of Alexander? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Rome's advance into 
the East with Alexander's (§§ 255, 263, 265). 2. How far was 
the Jewish praise of the Romans (§ 375) justified in the past 
history of the Romans? 3. Compare the Greek Phalanx and 
the Roman Legion. 4. "I count it glory not to possess 
wealth but to rule those who do." Show how this reveals the 
strength and the weakness of the Roman character. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
East about 200 b.c. Morey, pp. 125-127; How and Leigh, 
pp. 253-260; Shuckburgh, ch. 27. 2. The First and Second 
Macedonian Wars. Plutarch, Life of Flamininus; Botsford, 
pp. 116-118; Myres, ch. 20; How and Leigh, pp. 261-265; 
Shuckburgh, ch. 28. 3. The War with Antiochus. Myres, 
ch. 2 1 . 4. The Third Macedonian War. Myres, ch. 2 2 ; Horton, 



320 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



pp. 145-158; How and Leigh, pp. 275-280; Shuckburgh, ch, 
31; Seignobos, pp. 126-130. 5. The Life of Scipio Africanus 
(see Index to How and Leigh or Shuckburgh, under his name). 

6. Change in Roman Policy toward the East. Seignobos, pp. 
130-131; Morey, p. 134; West, pp. 336-339; Wolfson, p. 325. 

7. The End of Greek Freedom. Myres, pp. 285-289; How and 
Leigh, pp. 283-287. 8. The Fall of Carthage. Myres, pp. 289- 
297; Botsford, pp. 123-126; Seignobos, pp. 131-135; Horton, 
pp. 165-168. 



Changes in 
Rome's 
Inner Life. 



Causes. 



Occupa- 
tions. 



380. This extension in Rome's foreign relations, by 
which she came to take the leading part in the Mediter- 
ranean world, was accompanied by a remarkable series 
of changes in her inner life. The whole process resulted 
in the transformation of the state. Before proceeding 
to follow the next steps in this transformation, we stop to 
study the internal changes which had so large a part in 
bringing it about.* Two things were chiefly responsible 
for these changes in Rome; one was the growth of capi- 
talism or money-power, the other the incoming of Graeco- 
Oriental civilization. Working separately or in unison they 
affected every phase of Roman public and private life. 

381. Capitalism appeared as the outcome of a process 
which quite altered the chief occupations of Roman citi- 

In this process agriculture, once the prevailing 



zens. 



Italian activity, first changed its form and finally ceased 
to be of importance. The peasant proprietor of a small 
The Farmer holding disappeared. The rural free laborer gave way to 
isappears. ^-^^ slavc. The sccoud Punic war had devastated wide 
regions and impoverished many farmers. The new prov- 
inces sent in great quantities of grain which the govern- 
ment distributed at a cheap rate. Italian grain raisers 

* The order of the topics treated will be in the main the same as that in 
§§ 345~356, thus making comparison easier. 



The Reign of Capital 321 

could not compete with this; a bad season brought them 
to ruin. Thus their land went into the hands of capital- 
ists who organized great estates, manned them with cheap Rise of 
slave labor and used them for the pasturage of vast flocks g"^* 
and herds, or turned them into vineyards and olive groves. 
Industry and manufacturing might have offered occupa- 
tion for these farmers, but the competition of foreign work- 
ers forbade. The well-developed industrial life of the 
east (§§ 19, 174), which had now fallen under Roman 
influence, was far superior to anything that Italy had de- 
veloped. Roman policy directed it all into Rome by for- 
bidding commercium and connubium among the prov- 
inces. Such manufacturing as existed at Rome was done 
by slave labor. Rome became not a producer of goods, 
but the centre where goods were exchanged; the Roman 
merchant flourished on business which he had not created. 
His chief commodity was money. Banking became a Money 
favorite occupation, the possession and investment of Banking, 
capital the main element in Roman business life. The 
foundation of great fortunes was laid; the Roman capital- 
ist took his place as one of the powers of the time and 
reached out to control the world's affairs. 

382. This era of capitaHsm brought with it a sharp di- Social 
vision of social classes. Already the old equality and sharpened, 
unity of Roman life had been threatened by the distinc- 
tions conferred by office and wealth (§ 339). In place of 
the patrician aristocracy had appeared a "nobility,"* The 
whose position was gained by these means. The mem- ^°^*^**y- 

* A citizen who held a "curule" office thereby ennobled his family and 
won for them the right of placing wax masks representing the features of 
distinguished ancestors in the atrium and of exhibiting them at public 
funerals of members of the family. Such families were nohiles. 



322 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The 
Equitcs. 



The City 
Population. 



The 
Slave. 



bers of these noble families came to regard themselves as 
alone capable of filling the leading pubhc offices and, 
therefore, as having a right to them. From them came 
the majority of the senators; the senate, therefore, repre- 
sented the interests of the nobility. 

383. Not all men of wealth, however, belonged to the 
nobility. In many cases the capitaHsts were of lower 
birth. But their common interests drew them together, 
and their wealth was so great as to give them entrance to 
the class of equites (§ 317), where they soon came to have 
the predominance. Thus the equestrian order was sharply 
marked off from the senatorial class, as representing the 
wealthy business men. The interests of the two orders 
often clashed and brought trouble into the state. 

384. Beneath these two classes was the rest of the com- 
munity. The farmers and their families came to the city 
and helped to swell a poor and restless population, whose 
chief value was that it could vote. Another element of 
this population was the freedmen, who absorbed more and 
more of the petty business of the capital. The slaves be- 
came very numerous. Vast numbers of them were bought 
and sold in the course of the great wars. After one of the 
eastern victories the Roman commander sold his captives 
at an average price of eighty cents apiece. The fortune of 
war reduced all classes of conquered peoples, the rich and 
poor, the educated and the ignorant, the strong and the 
weak, under one common yoke; in course of time they 
were distributed about in the various occupations according 
to their ability, and their value was thus determined. They 
were employed in the country for farming and herding. 
They became indispensable in the private houses, in the 
mercantile and manufacturing activities of the city and as 



Luxury in Private Life 323 

helpers in the state service. Their lot was hard, particu- 
larly that of the country slave, who was numbered with 
the cattle and the dogs. 

385. Wealth and power wrought a striking change in ways of 
the living of the upper classes. The old simplicity gave ^'''*"^- 
way to luxury. The form was determined by the models 
of Graeco- Oriental Hfe, which now became the fashion. 
The house was enlarged by opening a door through the The House 
rear and adding a court, which was surrounded by rooms. 
This was the peristyle and it soon became the principal 
part of the dwelling, the atrium being regarded as a kind of 
front parlor or state apartment. A second story was added 
and the sleeping- rooms placed in it. The interior was 
decorated with increasing splendor, elaborate frescoes 
adorned the walls, mosaics were set into the floor, ceilings 
were panelled and gilded. Many costly pieces of furniture 
replaced the former bare and simple furnishings. The Furnish' 
sun-dial and the water-clock came from Greece. The *°^^' 
bath-room was an indispensable part of the new house. 
Pubhc baths, also, were estabhshed, and grew in number 
and splendor. The furnishings of the table assumed un- 
usual importance. New kinds of food were introduced. Food. 
Wider conquests brought new delicacies, nuts and fruits; 
wild game was much used; the peacock was a special 
dainty; fish and oysters became popular. A slave who 
was a good cook was highly esteemed and was worth 
$5,000. The stool or bench gave way to the couch, on 
which people recHned at dinner. Abundance of silver 
plate, costly wines, many courses, rich dresses, music and 
dancing — all these show that the abstemious, severe Roman 
of the early days was yielding to the new opportunities for 
rich living that conquest and money put in his way. 



324 Rome's Eastern Empire 

Amuse- 386. Roman amusements disclose similar changes. 

ments. rpj^^ Greek fashion of having games in connection with 
religious festivals (§ ii8) became popular. Greek ath- 

Games. Ictcs Were often employed. The exhibitions of chariot- 
driving (§ 349) and wrestling soon overshadowed the re- 
ligious side of the celebration. The Roman craving for 
sensation led to the exhibition of wild beasts, whose con- 
tests were heartily enjoyed. The most savage animals 
were imported from the ends of the earth. Worse than 

Giadia- this wcrc the gladiatorial contests, which first appeared at 

Shows Rome in 264 B.C. Etruria, not Greece, was the home of 
this demoralizing sport, but it found a congenial place in 
Roman life. At first exhibited at private funerals, it soon 
became a part of pubHc Hfe. In the beginning captives 
fought for their lives before the populace; then men were 
trained for this purpose and were hired to exhibit their skill 
in public. The idle and sensation-loving horde of city- 
folk went wild with excitement over such displays. Con- 
servative and decent officials tried in vain to suppress 

Gambling, them by law. Gambling with dice for high stakes was a 
growing vice of the rich and no legislation could avail 
against it. Music and dancing came to be regular accom- 
paniments of luxurious feasts. The sober sense of the old 
Roman was shocked by the estabhshment of a dancing- 
school, where the children of high and low mingled in 
dances which were far from becoming. 

The 387. Greek influence was responsible for the rapid 

growth of theatrical performances. Temporary wooden 
theatres on Greek models began to be erected about 145 
B.C., though a permanent stone structure was not put up 
till 55 B.C. It held at least 17,000 people. The plays were 
mostly comedies adapted from Greek models. The actors 



Theatre. 



The Growth of Culture 325 

were mainly slaves, hired from a training master. Few 
well-to-do people were present, as they regarded the per- 
formances as common and improper. This fact naturally a Debasing 
lowered the tone of the theatre. The plays, lacking in ^°^"«'°"- 
their Roman copies the Greek lightness of touch, were 
often coarse and vulgar and sometimes made sport of 
virtue and religion. Immense throngs of common people 
attended them and they grew into great popularity. In 
course of time their character improved; they came to 
have some better elements and aided in the growth of 
culture. 

388. It must not be supposed that Graeco- Oriental 
influence was all for the worse. Roman education, for improve- 
example, was vastly improved by it. Greek hterature, EducaUon 
with its wondrous charm and power, was thrown open 
to the Romans ; all that was necessary was that systematic 
instruction in the Greek language should be given. This Greek 
the multitudes of Greek slaves could easily furnish. It and^"*^*^ 
now became the custom that every child, whose education Literature 
was properly attended to, learned Greek. Naturally, as 
in Greece (§ 179), Homer was the text-book for language, 
geography, history and religion. Soon every educated 
man could speak Greek and even make speeches in it. 
To master another language than one's own is in itself a 
hberal education, but, in addition to this, the Greek lan- 
guage led the Roman to the knowledge of an unparalleled 
literature. Soon other and higher forms of Greek 
training came to Rome — the schools of Rhetoric and Phi- 
losophy (§§ 199, 293) for the further broadening of the Philosophy. 
Roman mind. Thus, in addition to the acquirement of 
knowledge for practical ends (§ 352), came education for 
mental culture. Another educative influence was the 



326 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



New 

Breadth of 
View. 



Birth of 

Roman 

Literature. 



Under 
Greek 
Influence. 



Comedy. 



wider horizon which opened before the Roman in the 
new lands which fell under his sway. Knowledge of other 
civilizations than his own, of the wonderful east with its 
treasures of art and architecture, was possible for him. 
Young men were sent out to travel in these lands, either 
with a tutor, or attached to the staff of an official or a gen- 
eral. They came back with a larger outlook on men and 
things, no longer limited by their own native town; wider 
experience gave them sounder judgment and prepared 
them for intelligent leadership. 

389. Roman literature and art likewise received a mighty 
uplift from Greece in these days. As the Greek school- 
teacher revolutionized Roman education, so he also pro- 
duced Roman literature. Lucius Livius Andronicus 
(about 250 B.C.), a Greek from Tarentum, translated the 
'^ Odyssey" into Latin, and this book gradually supplanted 
the Twelve Tables (§ 330) as the chief school text-book. 
He also adapted Greek plays, chiefly those of Euripides 
(§ 204), for the Roman stage. Gnaeus Naevius (about 
225 B.C.) and Quintus Ennius (239-169 B.C.) followed in 
his footsteps in writing Latin plays. Thus the Latin 
drama on Greek models was established. Latin comedy, 
founded on the plays of Menander (§ 293), was pro- 
duced. Here the great names are Titus Maccius Plau- 
tus (254-184 B.C.) and Publius Terentius (Terence). The 
latter was born at Carthage after the close of the second 
Punic war and taken as a slave to Rome (196-159 B.C.). 
The plays of the former are vivacious and strong ; those of 
the latter are smooth and elegant. Both Nagvius and 
Ennius wrote historical poems; the one described the 
First Punic War, the other told the story of Rome from 
the beginning in rude Latin hexameters in Homeric fash- 



Birth of Roman Literature 327 

ion. Prose writing began; the subject was history and 
the language was Greek. Thus Quintus Fabius Pictor History, 
wrote of the Second Punic War, in which he himself was 
an actor. Soon Latin prose appeared, the representative 
of which was Cato the Elder, who wrote his Roman his- cato the 
tory, called the Origmes, about i68 B.C.; by his various ^''^"* 
writings on agriculture, war and law he made Latin a lit- 
erary tongue. He is the real founder of Latin prose. It 
was not long before two branches of literature appeared 
in which the native Roman genius displayed itself su- 
premely — satire and oratory. The founder of Roman 
satirical poetry was Gains Lucihus (148-103 B.C.), whose Satire, 
biting couplets were intensely enjoyed by all but their 
subjects. The first of the great orators were two con- 
temporaries, Lucius Licinius Crassus and Marcus An- oratory, 
tonius (about 100 B.C.). "To hear both in one day was 
the highest intellectual entertainment which Rome af- 
forded." At the same time Roman law took a step forward 
by the legal writings of Quintus Mucins Scaevola (about Law. 
100 B.C.), who collected and organized into a series of 
works the legal material that had been gathering for cen- 
turies. Architecture now had the services of Greek mas- 
ters and was based on Greek models. Thus around the Architect- 
Forum arose stately pubHc porticoes like those of Athens ; ^^t.*'^ 
elsewhere in Rome marble temples and galleries began to 
appear. An era of good taste in sculpture and painting 
began as the Romans came in contact with the master- 
pieces of Greek art in Syracuse, Corinth and Athens. 
Unfortunately, they were not satisfied with admiring these; 
they began to covet them and soon to exercise the right of 
conquerors by carrying them off to Rome. In this field 
even more clearly than in literature the overpowering 



328 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The Trans- 
forming 
Effects of 
these 
Influences. 



(i) Social 
Ideals 
Broken 
Down. 



The 

Better 

Side. 



effect of contact with Greece is to be seen. It is a new 
Rome that art and Hterature reveal to us after, and in 
consequence of, the conquest of Greece. 

390. Did all these changes take place in Rome without 
effect upon the character of her people ? This is the most 
important question, and the answer to it reveals as starthng 
a transformation as has thus far been recorded. The 
change may be stated in brief. Capitalism and culture 
destroyed the old Roman character without putting any- 
thing better in its place. 

391. They broke down the old social equality in which 
all lived for the good of the state (§ 351). Wealth divided 
men into classes and introduced new and strange stand- 
ards of life. Selfishness took the place of patriotism. 
Men sought to get something out of the state instead of 
doing something for the state. The old Roman idea of 
doing one's duty in one's place turned into the practice 
of making the most of one's position and opportunity. 
Thus each class secured all sorts of distinguishing marks; 
the senators had special seats at the circus ; the citizen had 
a special dress and a ring to separate him from the for- 
eigner; every successful general sought for some special 
recognition of his services. The best side of this change 
is seen in the influence of Greek culture on the higher 
class. The narrow preference of everything Roman 
passed into a higher appreciation of what other peoples had 
done in art and literature. The circle of men that gath- 
ered about the Scipios * was characterized by a generous 



* Publius Cornelius Scipio, the victor over Hannibal at Zama, was 
given the title of Africanus. His adopted son was Publius Scipio, called 
^milianus because he was the son of ^milius Paulus, the victor at 
Pvdna. 



Decline of Roman Morals 329 

and broad culture. Greek men of letters were welcomed 
by them. Thus Polybius, one of the leaders of the Poiybius 
Achaean League, whom the Romans forced to go to Rome 
(§ 373)) wrote in the spirit of this finer life a History oj 
Rome in Greek, in which he hailed the union of Greek 
thought and Roman action as a good omen for the world's 
future. It was the first worthy piece of historical litera- 
ture since Thucydides (§ 203). Yet even this circle, be- 
cause of its broader Hfe, regarded itself as separated from 
the common herd. 

392. Capitalism and culture removed the old Roman (2) Moral 
ideas of right and wrong. Money altered the way in ^^eJlJ^ed 
which people thought it proper to live, introducing luxury 
and show in the place of the former simplicity (§ 348). 
Deeds were done for gain which before would have been 
despised. The old Roman self-respect and dignity changed 
to pride and arrogance ; these bred brutahty in relation to 
foreigners. The Orientals, with their fine manners and 
cringing ways, were treated with contempt and abuse. 
Slaves, now so numerous at Rome, were beneath contempt 
and often handled with outrageous cruelty. The popu- 
lace at Rome, once loyal and laborious, were also corrupted 
by the new spirit of greed and power. The gladiatorial 
games brutalized them; cheap grain made them lazy. 
The low comedies, borrowed from Greece and vulgarized 
in the process, were as degrading to their morals as they 
were attractive to their sense. The votes of the citizens 
began to be estimated by their money value and soon were 
freely bought and sold. Money even corrupted the home 
life ; Roman matrons and daughters sought to lay up fort- 
unes, and prized gain beyond duty to husbands and fa- 
thers. Increasing extravagance and greed led to family 



330 Rome's Eastern Empire 

troubles. Divorces began to grow in frequency; mar* 
riages for money were not uncommon. Thus public and 
private life was drifting away from the old moorings, and 
the new ways of living offered no stable anchorage. Many, 
The Con- it is truc, sought to stem the tide and stood for the old 
stnigAY^ standards. Their foremost representative was Cato the 
in Vain. Elder, who fought for the ancient ideals of simplicity and 
patriotism with fierce denunciations of the novelties of the 
time. But he had no success, because he had nothing to 
put in the place of the new. The past was forever gone 
and no man could bring it back again. 
(3) Roman 393. Roman religion, in its old forms and ideals (§ 355), 
oL^crldUed wcnt the Way of all the old life. Greek religion had already 
been discredited by philosophy (§201), and the old Roman 
faith was less able than the Greek to stand against the 
keen Greek intellect. Thus the educated classes lost faith 
in the ideas that underlay the Roman ritual (§§ 314, 355), 
and the priests, while they introduced new Greek ritual 
and identified Roman gods with Greek deities, had little 
confidence in their ceremonials except as necessary parts 
of the poUtical machine. The literary men of the time, 
like Ennius, openly expressed doubts about rehgion. The 
mass of the people caught the contagion, laughed at the 
jests on sacred subjects in the comedies of the time, and 
soon ceased to be influenced by the old faith. Meanwhile, 
New new forms of eastern religion were offered to them, as 

Cults"" strange as they were attractive. Such were the worship of 
Dionysus (§ 124), called in Rome Bacchus, and Cybele, a 
goddess of Asia Minor, who appealed, not to the old Ro- 
man sense of duty, but to the feelings, and led men away 
into all sorts of superstitions. The state did not favor 
these worships, but, offering nothing to take their place, it 



Roman Political Life Debased 331 

was powerless to keep the Roman populace from running 
after them. Certainly they were better than no rehgion, 
and the old Roman faith was decayed and powerless to 
restrain or to help. Greek culture could help the edu- 
cated class here by the teachings of philosophy, and, as 
time went on, the various schools that had flourished in 
Greece (§ 293) established themselves among the Romans 
and found many followers. 

394. Roman public life was deeply affected by all these Effect on 
influences. They showed themselves in various ways. A ^^^^^^ ^*^® 
sharp cleavage was made between the public activities of 
the different classes. The nobles took a tighter grasp upon Nobles 
the pubHc offices and distributed them among their several po^g^. 
famihes. Sometimes one family, Hke the Scipios, sought 
to keep them within their own circle. Already it was made 
illegal for one to be re-elected to an oflice until a ten years' 
interval had passed. A law fixed an order in which offices 
should be held and the age at which one could occupy 
them.* Hence, it was practically impossible for *'new men," 
as non-nobles were called, to get into office. On the other 
hand, a law was passed by which senators were forbidden 
to engage in commerce, and thus the monopoly of business 
was left to the equites (§ 383). These men of business 
now began to use the state for their own purposes. It was 
their influence that dictated the wars of the period; they influence 
secured the destruction of rival commercial cities Hke Car- Jjj^^y 
thage and Corinth (§§ 377-378). The faithful alHes, like Po^er. 
Pergamum and Rhodes, which had been the leading com- 
mercial states of the east, were unjustly treated in order 
to increase Roman business predominance. The greed 
of these monopolists made futile the attempts to revive 

* This order was called the cursus honorum, the "career of honors." 



332 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



Civic 
Selfishness. 



Bribery. 



Comitia 
Reorgan- 
ized. 



What All 

this 

Means. 



Italy's peasant class, since they wanted more and more 
land for their estates. Colonies ceased to be sent out 
from Rome. The cruel treatment of slaves on these es- 
tates led to uprisings, like the slave revolt in Sicily, v^hich 
threw that province into a state of anarchy from 139-134 
B.C. All provinces came to be the prey of capitalistic 
robbery and extortion. The mass of the citizens, in their 
turn, began selfishly to shut out others from their privi- 
leges. Once citizenship had been a burden; now it was 
a source of profit, and the faithful allies that had made 
possible Rome's victory over Hannibal were jealously 
excluded from it. Indeed, little by Httle these alHes saw 
their ancient rights withdrawn and themselves treated as 
subjects. In 177 B.C. they were denied their customary 
share of the spoils of war. Citizens began to expect more 
in the way of festivals and games from the officials. Their 
votes were even openly bought. The introduction of the 
ballot in the assemblies, although an improvement on the 
old method of voting (§ 353), aided bribery. To offset 
the growing power of the people the senate, about 241 B.C., 
reorganized the Comitia Centuriata on the basis of the 
tribes in such a way that the tribes just about the city, 
over which they had more influence, should be in the ma- 
jority. The number of tribes was fixed at thirty-five. In 
156 B.C. a magistrate was empowered to dispense with 
holding an assembly of the people, if the auspices (§ 315) 
were unfavorable; thus religion became a poHtical instru- 
ment to thwart the popular will. All these facts show 
how the original unity of the Roman state was giving way 
to factions, each intent on its own selfish interests. When 
we couple with this situation at home the failure of the 
senate to uphold Roman honor abroad, the extortions of 



The Triumph of Greed 333 

the provincial governors for which there was no redress in 
the courts at home (§379), and the greed of generals and 
armies who divided the spoils of their victories among 
themselves, instead of paying it into the state treasury, we 
gain some idea of the state of Roman public life. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome 's Western Empire. 

3. Rome's Eastern Empire. Effect of eastern expansion on Rome's 
inner life — transformation as the result of (i) Roman capitalism, 
(2) Greek culture: 9hanges of occupation — new social classes — 
ways of living changed (house, food, amusements, gladiatorial 
shows, theatre) — education changed — Roman literature — art and 
architecture — effect of all this upon character: (i) upon social 
ideals, (2) upon moral standards, (3) upon Roman religion, (4) 
upon public life (nobles in power, money supreme, selfishness, 
bribery) . 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What is meant by nobiles, auspices, 
curule office, cursus honorum, peristyle, propraetor, Forum. 
2. For what were the following famous: Cato the Elder, Ennius, 
Lucilius, Appius Claudius, Menander, Dionysus? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the origin and purpose 
of the Roman theatre with those of the Greek (§§ 138, 183). 

2. Compare a Roman citizen in this period with one in 450 b.c. 

3. What is the difference in the attitude toward money between 
a Greek of the Age of Pericles (§§ 175-177) and a Roman of this 
age? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Roman 
Life and Manners under Greek Influence. Morey, pp. 148-152; 
Myres, ch. 23; Seignobos, ch 11; Wolfson, ch. 27. 2. Cor- 
ruption of Public Life. Munro, pp. 99-100 (source); Myres, 
ch. 26; West, pp. 340-350; How and Leigh, chs. 28-31; Ab- 
bott, ch. 5; Seignobos, ch. 12; Botsford, ch. 6; Morey, pp. 
143-148; Shuckburgh, ch. 32. 3. The Beginnings of Roman 
Literature. Mackail, pp. 3-38; Laing, pp. 1-62 (translation of 
the Phormio of Terence). 4. Roman Religion under Greek In- 



334 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The 

Beginnings 
of Civil 
Conflict. 



The Action 
of Tiberius 
Gracchus. 



The 

Land 
Problem. 



fluence. Seignobos, pp. 148-251. 5. The Gladiatorial Games. 
Johnston, pp. 242-252. 6. Cato the Censor. Plutarch, Life 
of Cato; Munro, pp. 95-97 (source); How and Leigh, pp. 302- 
305; Shuckburgh, pp. 518-521; Seignobos, pp. 156-359; Bots- 
ford, pp. 143-146. 7. How far was Cato's claim true that 
should the Romans come thoroughly to imbibe Greek liter- 
ature, they would lose the empire of the world? 

395. With such a situation in Rome's inner life a con- 
flict of interests and powers was unavoidable. The fail- 
ure of the leading men to solve the problems of administra- 
tion was certain to call out attempts from all sides to cope 
with the difficulties which they were not able to meet. The 
first attempt, which precipitated a century of struggle, was 
made in 133 B.C., by the tribune Tiberius Sempronius 
Gracchus. A member of the senatorial nobility, the grand- 
son of Scipio Africanus, and brother-in-law of Scipio 
yEmihanus, he was a vahant soldier of the republic and, 
at the same time, highly educated in the new learning of 
the times. The miserable economic decay of Italy appealed 
to him, and he sought to restore prosperity by introducing 
an agrarian law for the distribution of the public lands 
among the citizens. The limit upon the amount of public 
land to be leased to any one citizen set by the Licinian laws 
(§ 338) had been disregarded to such an extent that prac- 
tically all of it had been taken up in the great estates of the 
rich proprietors. The law of Tiberius Gracchus estab- 
lished a commission of three (triumvirate) to secure the 
carrying out of the new provisions which contemplated 
reducing the illegal holdings to their proper limits and as- . 
signing the remainder in equal parts to landless citizens. 
The proposal created a storm in which the senate placed 
itself in opposition to the tribune ; even his colleague inter- 
posed a veto. Thereupon Tiberius, falling back on ancient 



The Gracchi 335 

precedent (§ 339), appealed directly to the people, who re- libenus 
sponded by deposing the obstructive tribune and passing ^^t^f ^ 
the law. The commission was appointed and began its People, 
work. To carry out his plans, Tiberius found it necessary 
to override the law prohibiting re-election (§ 394) and stand 
again for tribune. But the nobles banded against him; 
a riot was raised at election time, the partisans fought in Hi3 Death, 
the streets of Rome, and Tiberius was killed. 

396. In his zeal for reform Tiberius Gracchus had raised Rise 
issues hitherto unheard of at Rome, and, no doubt, not parties 
grasped by himself. He was the first to bring new political 
ideas into the field, which divided the community into 
parties. The Optimates, or Aristocrats, and the Populares 

or Democrats, henceforth struggle for leadership. Men 
of all classes array themselves on either side. In appeal- 
ing to the people as sovereign in election and legislation The 
without regard to senate and magistrates, he brought a pfoJi""^° 
new doctrine into Roman politics. This was a Greek 
idea (§ 168); at Rome the state depended upon the joint 
action of all three and did not go back to any one as su- 
preme. Party struggles led to civil strife, in which reason 
gave way to force and the state was shaken to its founda- 
tions. 

397. Ten years passed, when, in 123 B.C., Gaius Grac- work of 
chus, younger brother of Tiberius, was elected tribune. Gracchus. 
He proceeded to move farther along the path opened by 

his brother and showed greater resolution, clearer insight 
and more vigorous leadership. Under his direction the war 
people proceeded to reclaim their ancient powers usurped senate, 
by the senate. The law of appeal (§ 331) was restored. 
The right of appointing governors of provinces was re- 
claimed. The senate was still further humiliated by the 



336 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The 

Franchise 

Question. 



His 
Death. 



Results. 



The 
Senate 
Fails to 
Manage 
Affairs. 



Jugurthine 
War. 



transference of the court for trying provincial officials 
(§ 379) to the equites. The people were favored by a law 
estabhshing a free distribution of grain (§ 381), by the 
renewal of the agrarian law (§395), and the cstabHshment 
of colonies. These measures secured the support of the 
equites and of the populace. The next year Gaius was re- 
elected. Now he took a bolder step, in the interests of 
the peoples of Italy, by proposing to admit those allies 
having the Latin right to citizenship. Such a measure 
was simple justice and would have strengthened the citizen 
body of Rome by introducing new and better elements. 
But he could not carry the selfish and jealous citizens 
with him in this, failed of re-election the next year and 
was killed, as his brother had been, in a street riot (121 
B.C.). He had shown what party government could ac- 
complish under an enterprising and uncompromising head, 
he had broken the usurpation of the senate and had 
thrown the question of Italian franchise into the field. The 
agrarian legislation was futile ; the work of the commission 
languished; fields assigned were abandoned, and by 
III B.C. all holders of public land, rich and poor, were 
confirmed in their possession. Rome ceased to have any 
pubHc land in Italy. 

398. When the conflict broke out again, party leaders 
of a different type came to the front and with them a new 
force took the field. The victorious senate again tried 
to conduct affairs. They failed in the notable instance 
of the Numidian War (i 12-106 B.C.). The king of Nu- 
midia, an ally of Rome, left his kingdom on his death to 
his three sons. One of them, Jugurtha, sought to secure 
the prize for himself ; he killed one brother and made war 
on the other. He continued to cause trouble in defiance 



The Cimbri and Teutones 337 

of the senate, which thereupon declared war. The sen- 
atorial generals, first sent out, were bribed by the crafty 
king and made a disgraceful peace. The senate repudi- 
ated it and sent out another general, who took out with him 
as lieutenant, Gaius Marius, a man of low rank but a sue- Marius. 
cessful soldier. More was accomplished in this campaign, 
but in 107 B.C. the democracy took matters into their own 
hands and made Marius consul for the purpose of bring- 
ing the war to a close. This he speedily accomplished. 
Jugurtha was brought a prisoner to Rome and died in a 
Roman dungeon. 

399. Meanwhile, a serious danger had been threatening The 
Italy from the north. For a long time the Romans had J^^^"^ 
been making war in Gaul on the other side of the Alps t^e North. 
(Gallia Transalpina), and had estabhshed a province 
called Gallia Narbonensis, from the name of the capital 
city, Narbo. Now, down from the distant and unknown The 
north came two peoples, the Cimbri and Teutones, who ^°^^'^®^^' 
sought homes in the more fertile south. Breaking their 
way through the already weakened barrier of Gallic tribes, 
they came face to face with the Roman armies and de- 
feated them in four successive battles (in 113, 109, 107, 
105 B.C.). The route into Italy stood open to them. Dis- 
mayed at the prospect, the democracy again stepped for- 
ward and elected their hero Marius as consul and defender Marius 
against this dreaded foe. For four successive years he j^^iy^ 
was thus chosen. The invaders had separated — the 
Teutones taking the route from the northwest, the Cimbri 
passing around the Alps and entering Italy from the north- 
east. In 102 B.C. Marius met the Teutones at Aquae 
Sextiae and defeated them. The next year (loi B.C.), 
joining his colleague, who was facing the Cimbri in the 



338 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



His 

Military 

Reforms, 



The New 
Situation. 



Military 
Men Lead 
the People. 



Sulla. 



Raudine plains, he annihilated them. Thus Italy was 
saved and Marius was its saviour. He had gained his 
success not more by his own valor than by the military 
reforms he introduced. Doing away with the usual prac- 
tice of levying soldiers and limiting the levy to men of 
property (§ 317), he invited Roman citizens to enroll them- 
selves under his banner regardless of property quahfica- 
tions. As a result he had an army made up of men who 
wished to fight and were devoted to their commander. 

400. Thus the seed sown by the Gracchi had sprung 
up and borne unexpected fruit. The democracy placed 
at its head a military hero behind whom stood an army 
whose first interest was not loyalty to the state, but de- 
votion to its leader. For the defence of the state abroad 
and the overthrow of enemies at home the democracy 
did not hesitate to re-elect its chief to the highest offices 
year after year. Marius held the consulship seven times. 
This example was soon followed by the other party. Mili- 
tary prowess began to take the place of civic leadership. 
He was strongest who had an army under his command. 
Ambition got the better of patriotism and set military 
power against civic right. The conflict of parties passed 
into the struggle of individuals occupying positions in 
which they controlled armies. 

401. One of these men who had gained his military 
education under the new captain was to outdo Marius on 
his own field. This was Lucius Cornelius Sulla, a man 
of noble family, an aristocrat in temper and tastes, who 
took his stand on the side of the senatorial party. Sulla, 
like Marius, owed his opportunity to the incapacity of 
Roman administration at home and abroad. 

402. Marius was no statesman. Under his leadership 



The Social War 339 

the democracy plunged Rome into a series of useless civil 
conflicts. The one leading question left unsettled was The 
that of the franchise for the Italian allies, but with this p'obi?m^ 
the democrats did not care to deal. Finally, from the side 
of the senate, Drusus, in 91 B.C., proposed, among other Drusus. 
things, to give citizenship to them. The proposal was re- 
jected and Drusus lost his hfe in the struggle. The long- 
sufifering alHes, thus again deluded, rose in arms, re- 
nounced their allegiance and undertook the founding of 
a new ItaHan state, "Italica," with its capital at Cor- 
finium. This formidable revolt, the Social* War (91- The 
88 B.C.), was ended with a formal victory for Rome, but ^^^^ 
a virtual success for the allies, since a series of laws, grant- 
ing citizenship to certain classes among them, was passed 
during the war and did more than Roman arms to weaken 
their opposition. 

403. These laws were the Lex Julia (90 B.C.), granting settlement 
citizenship to Italian states not in rebelHon, and the Lex Franchise 
Plautia Papiria (89 B.C.), admitting all ItaHans without Question, 
distinction to the franchise on appHcation to the praetor 
within sixty days. At the same time all the cities of Cis- 
alpine Gaul received the Latin right. It seems, however, 

that the advantages of citizenship were limited from the 
fact that the new citizens were all confined to eight tribes. 

404. Sulla had distinguished himself by service in the 
Social War and was elected consul in 88 B.C. The situa- 
tion in the eastern provinces was alarming and a vigorous 
leader was required to cope with it. Among the states 
aUied to Rome in Asia Minor was Pontus. To the throne 
of this kingdom, in 114 B.C., came a remarkable ruler, 
Mithridates, whose ambition contemplated nothing less 

* So called from the Latin word for allies, Socii. 



340 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



Rise of 
Mithrida- 
tes of 
Pontus. 



War 
with 
Rome. 



Sulla 
and the 
Demo- 
cracy. 



Party 

Conflicts 

Continue. 



Sulla 
Defeats 
Mithri- 
dates. 



than the revival of an empire on the model of Alexander's, 
which should drive the Romans out of the east. Left free 
to act by the incompetence of the senate and its eastern 
representatives, he built up a vast coalition and, taking 
advantage of a v^anton act of aggression on the part of the 
Roman officials, he launched his armies against them, de- 
feated their forces and took possession of the province of 
Asia (88 B.C.). This victory was followed by the massacre 
of all Romans throughout the province to the number of 
80,000. 

405. Awakened to the growing danger, the senate had 
appointed Sulla to deal with Mithridates the year before. 
But the democracy, claiming the right to make these ap- 
pointments, under the leadership of the tribune Sulpicius, 
in 88 B.C., appointed Marius to the position. Sulla, who 
had collected an army for his foreign task and was about 
to leave Italy, suddenly marched on Rome, and, for the 
first time in Roman history, a Roman army entered the 
walls and placed its commander in possession of the state. 
Sulpicius was killed, Marius fled, and their partisans were 
overawed. Then, having left his party in power, Sulla 
departed with his army for the war with Mithridates. 

406. Hardly had he disappeared when the consul Cinna, 
with the support of Marius* and an army, restored the 
democracy to power, and took bloody vengeance on its 
enemies. But its triumph was short. Sulla's return 
from the east brought it to an end. He had spent four 
years in bringing Mithridates to terms (87-84 B.C.). The 
Oriental king retired to Pontus, beaten but not overcome. 
The province of Asia was recovered and its inhabitants 
forced to pay their arrears of tribute and 20^000 talents 

* Marius died soon after, 



Sulla Supreme at Home 341 

besides, a punishment which brought them to financial 
ruin. The Greeks who had sided with Mithridates were 
also punished. Then Sulla returned home to avenge him- And^^^^ 
self on his adversaries. A decisive victory over the troops ^^^^ 
opposing him in Italy gave him entrance to Rome and 
placed him in possession of supreme power m 8i B.C. He At the 



Head of 



pia^^^-vj^ ixiixx o^xx ^^^^^^-^ i ^ • ' A Head ot 

was appointed Dictator, with the task of bringing order ,^, state. 

into the state. His accession was a signal for bloody 

massacres of his enemies, the confiscation of their property 

and the enrichment of his followers. His political policy 

was simple, the restoration of the senate to supremacy and Estabiuhes 

the establishment of its position by constitutional authority, supremacy 

The powers claimed by the people were swept away. The "fj^e^^ 

consent of the senate was required before measures could 

be proposed to the Comitia; the tribunes were stripped 

of all but intercessory powers (§ 329) and those holding 

the office of tribune made thereafter ineligible for other 

offices; the courts were restored to the senators (§ 397) ; the 

cursmhonorum (§ 394) and the law against re-election to 

office were revived. Having thus accomplished his ob- 

iect as he believed, Sulla resigned the office of dictator 

(74 B.C.), retired to private life and died not long after. suUaDies. 

The senate was once more in the saddle, this time, as it 

seemed, legally seated in control. 

407. But, like the work of any man who moves against suHa^^^^^__ 
the irresistible current of history, Sulla's political re- inadequate 
forms were vain. He made no attempt to solve the prob- and Fut.ie. 
lems of provincial administration or to guard against the 
dangers arising out of military leadership, and from these 
quarters his scheme was shattered within a few years of its Failure 
establishment. Rome and its provinces were growing ^,^,,. 
more and more dependent upon one another. The food- '-'.on 



of 
ncial 
iminis- 



342 Rome's Eastern Empire 

supply of Italy was largely met by the importation of grain 
from the provinces. The business of Rome stretched 
over the whole civilized world, and its progress depended 
upon the peace and prosperity of the provinces. Hence, 
a government that kept the provinces in order, that secured 
peace and established justice, was absolutely necessary. 
But just here the old Roman system was a failure. Rome 
was a city-state and its government was not organized for 
imperial rule over a wide domain. Neither senate nor 
Solution people was equal to the demand. The only way to solve 
Problem, the problem was to give large powers to the magistrate; 
yet this brought with it the danger that the state had been 
guarding against for centuries — making the magistrate 
too powerful, giving him control of the government. We 
have seen how the state was steadily moving in this direc- 
tion. Marius and Sulla are examples of the tendency which 
was growing stronger and stronger. The party conflicts at 
Rome only opened wider the door of opportunity to the 
magistrates. Thus the expansion of Rome to an Empire 
brought about the breaking down of the old constitution. 
The New 408. Sulla's legislation was a feeble dam across the cur- 

to Rome. Tcut, which soou Carried it off. Shortly after his death 
Roman power was being threatened from three sides, (i) 
The province of Spain was in possession of the adherents 
of Marius, led by a gallant soldier, Sertorius. (2) A 
terrible insurrection of slaves in Italy broke out under the 
leadership of a gladiator, Spartacus. (3) The east was 
in an uproar owing to the ravages of pirates, having their 
seats on the coasts and islands of the eastern Mediter- 
ranean, especially Cilicia and Crete. They destroyed 
Roman commerce and even cut off the food-supply from 
Rome. Mithridates, also, was recovering from his defeat 



The Rise of Pompey 343 

and organizing a new coalition to sweep the Romans out 
of the east. 

409. In the face of these troubles, the senate was forced Rise of 
to find a helper in the person of a young man who had won ^"""p^^- 
his spurs under Sulla. This was Gneius Pompeius,* 

of noble family, whose father had been a successful gen- 
eral. In 77 B.C. he was given proconsular power by the 
senate contrary to the SuUan constitution, and sent into 
Spain, where he overcame Sertorius in 72 B.C. Then, re- 
turning to Rome, he sought the consulship. When the 
senate opposed him, he alhed himself with Crassus, the 
richest man in Rome. Crassus was leader of the equites 
and had already brought the war with Spartacus to an end. 
The two leaders turned to the democracy and obtained its suUa's 
support by promising to overthrow the constitution of '^°^^_ 
Sulla. Thus, in defiance of the senate, Pompey was thrown, 
elected consul and carried out the programme. Sulla's 
work perished less than ten years after his death. 

410. Meanwhile, the war with Mithridates was renewed 
and the Roman general Lucullus, a man of ability and 
worth, was able to win several victories (74-68 B.C.). But 
the devastations wrought by the pirates continued. Ac- 
cordingly, in 67 B.C., the tribune Gabinius proposed to Pompey 
the people to give Pompey large powers for three years to thrfilst. 
undertake their subjugation. The next year (66 B.C.), by 

the proposal of the tribune ManiHus, the conduct of the 
war with Mithridates was also conferred upon him; by 
this "ManiHan" law he was given unlimited authority 
for the settlement of the east. By these two laws Pom- 
pey was placed in a position of power which no Roman 
before him had ever occupied. 

?■ The English form of his name, Pompey, will be henceforth used. 



344 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



New 
Leaders. 



Cicero. 



His 

Political 

Ideal. 



Caesar. 



The 

Conspiracy 
of Catiline. 



411. In support of these measures two men came for- 
ward who were destined thenceforth to play a large part in 
Roman life — Marcus TuUius Cicero and Gaius Julius 
Caesar. Cicero was a countryman, of equestrian rank, 
who was rapidly rising to the position of the leading orator 
at Rome and head of the equites. A man of fine personal 
character and wide culture, he was zealous for the restora- 
tion of the old Roman constitution and the revival of the 
old Roman spirit. This he hoped to secure by giving the 
Italian element in Roman citizenship a larger place in the 
state. The people, thus braced and purified by the in- 
fluence of this worthier and sounder element, he hoped 
to see unite with the senate in a new and firm government. 
It was a beautiful dream, and Cicero gave his life to its 
reaHzation. Caesar belonged to one of the oldest and 
proudest patrician families. He was a daring and far-see- 
ing spirit, cherishing no dreams, eager to play a leading 
part in the politics of his day. Related by marriage to 
Marius, he took the side of the democratic party and 
from that standpoint sought to re-estabHsh and glorify 
the Roman name. 

412. Pompey w^as in the East five years (66-62 B.C.). 
During his absence a crisis occurred at Rome which well- 
nigh destroyed the state. The rapid rise of the democracy 
encouraged the discontented and the miserable to hope for 
a change of fortune. A ruined and reckless patrician, 
Catiline by name, sought to unite all who were like him- 
self in character and fortune in a conspiracy to overthrow 
the government and plunder the rich. How widely the 
plot extended was never known. Even Crassus and 
Caesar are thought to have had knowledge of it. To meet 
the danger feared rather than known, the more conservative 



PLATE XVIH 




Julius Caesar 





Vespasian 



Hadrian 





a^^Ti^s^^TJ 



Faustina 



Commodus 



TYPICAL ROMAN HEADS 



Victories 
in the East. 



Pompey in the East 345 

citizens, optimates and equites united, elected Cicero as 
one of the consuls in the years 64 and 63 B.C. He showed 
uncommon skill and courage in grappling with it, un- cicero 
earthed the conspirators and impeached them. Though ^^^^^^^''^^^ 
Catihne fled, other leaders were seized, and on the author- 
ity of the senate put to death by the consul. In 62 B.C. 
Catiline, who had gathered an army, was overthrown in 
battle and died fighting. It was Cicero's one splendid 
political success in uniting the best elements of the state 
in its defence, and he looked forward to the speedy realiz- 
ation of his dream (§411). But he was soon to be sorely 
disappointed. 

413. The career of Pompey in the east had been one Pompey's 
uninterrupted success. Forty days sufficed for him to 
clear the sea of pirates; he pursued them to their strong- 
holds and destroyed them. Then he advanced against 
Mithridates and his son-in-law and ally, Tigranes of 
Armenia. A victory in 66 B.C. shattered the Pontic power 
and brought peace with Tigranes. The Parthians also 
allied with Pompey. Steadily Mithridates was hemmed 
in, until, in 63 B.C., he killed himself. His kingdom 
was made a Roman province. The kingdom of the Se- 
leucidae (§ 287) was brought to an end and Syria became 
a province (64 B.C.). The Jewish king (§ 374) resisted 
Pompey, who stormed Jerusalem (63 B.C.) and reduced 
Judea to a Roman dependency ruled by high-priests. The 
Euphrates river became the eastern boundary of the Ro- 
man state. Cities were founded, stable government was 
restored and prosperity revived. Three new provinces, 
Bithynia-Pontus, Syria and Crete were added to Rome's 
eastern possessions ; the province of Cilicia was enlarged 
and friendly alliances with the border-kings and chiefs 



346 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



The First 
Trium- 
virate. 



Its 
Renewal. 



Rome in 
Confusion. 



were established or renewed. An immense sum was paid 
into the Roman treasury. Pompey had amply fulfilled 
his task and now returned to Rome, where he triumphed, 
in 6i B.C. 

414. The senate took an attitude of criticism and dis- 
favor toward Pompey, and refused to give lands to his 
veterans or ratify his acts in the east. Looking elsewhere 
for allies, he joined with Caesar and Crassus in a coalition 
which has been called the first Triumvirate. It meant 
that the united influence of all should be used to satisfy 
the desires of each. They were entirely successful. Csesar 
was elected consul in 59 B.C.; as consul he secured for 
Pompey the things denied him by the senate ; also Crassus 
and his friends were enriched. Caesar also obtained an 
appointment as proconsul in Gaul for five years, beginning 
in 58 B.C. The compact was followed by the marriage 
of Pompey and Caesar's daughter, JuUa. 

415. It turned out that Caesar's proconsulate in Gaul 
lasted for ten years. When his first term was about to 
close, the triumvirate met again (56 B.C.) at Luca and 
agreed to use their influence to have Pompey and Crassus 
elected consuls for 55 B.C. The two consuls would then 
see to it that Caesar's term should be prolonged for another 
five years, while they themselves were also to have each a 
five years' term as proconsul, Crassus in Syria and Pompey 
in Spain. The agreement was duly carried out. Crassus 
left for Syria in 54 B.C., where he was killed in battle with 
the Parthians the following year. Caesar remained in 
Gaul. Pompey lingered at Rome. 

416. Political affairs in Rome had been going from bad 
to worse. Intrigue and the strife of factions filled the city 
with confusion and turmoil. Partisan leaders surrounded 



^ 



Ccesar's Campaigns in Gaul 347 

by armed adherents paraded the streets and fought with 
one another. An adept at this sort of poHtics was the 
young and dissolute patrician, PubHus Clodius, a demo- 
crat of the type of CatiUne, who succeeded in terrorizing 
foes and friends ahke. As tribune, he proceeded to get 
Cicero banished in 58 B.C., for having violated the 
law of appeal by putting the CatiHnarian conspirators to 
death (§ 412). A turn of the wheel brought the great 
orator back in triumph the next year. Clodius, finally, 
was killed in a street fight in 52 B.C. Pompey began Pompey 
gradually to draw away from Caesar and incline toward ^rd thJ°^" 
the optimates. Soon after the conference at Luca (§ 415) Senate, 
his wife Julia died and, with the death of Crassus, the 
last Hnk that bound him personally to Caesar was severed. 
In 52 B.C. he was made sole consul and introduced meas- 
ures which revealed his alliance with the senate and his 
break with Caesar. 

417. Jealousy and fear of Caesar may have had much Caesar in 
to do with this new attitude of Pompey. For Caesar's 
career in Gaul had been remarkable. The ten years, now 
drawing to a close (58-49 B.C.), had been occupied with 
hard fighting and skilful diplomacy. Assigned the prov- 
inces of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum, 
he proceeded at once to protect Roman interests on their 
borders, threatened by movements among the tribes be- 
yond. The continual tumult caused by quarrels between 
these tribes was heightened by the incoming of Germans 
from across the Rhine. Already the Helvetii, a Gallic 
tribe hving in the country about the sources of the Rhone 
and Rhine, were hard pressed and prepared to move west- 
ward. If the pressure were not removed, the Roman 
province would sooner or later be threatened with inva- 



348 Rome's Eastern Empire 

sion. Requests for help from Gallic tribes gave another 
opportunity for Caesar's interference. He crossed the 
Roman border, forced back the Helvetii who had already 
begun to move, drove the Germans in Gaul over the Rhine, 
and plunged into a series of campaigns which, in succes- 
sive years, carried his arms to the North sea, across the 
Rhine, to the shores of the Atlantic and into Britain. Op- 
position was crushed or turned by alliance into friendship 
until the Roman name was supreme throughout all Gaul. 
No attempt was made to bring the country under the 
direct rule of Rome, but, following his army, came Roman 
commerce and culture to transform the people and pre- 
pare the way for the addition of Gaul to the Empire. 
Importance Caesar's achievement had two results: (i) it turned Gaul 
^orjj^ into a bulwark of civilization to hold back advancing 

There. German barbarism and thus furnished a means for ex- 
tending this civilization and estabHshing it in the regions 
beyond Gaul. Thereby all succeeding periods of west- 
ern history down to our own day have been stamped with 
Rome's impress. (2) Caesar gained for himself men and 
money by which to take a commanding part in the further 
history of Rome. 
Cffisar in 418. Caesar had sore need of these things, for Pompey, 

with the backed by the senate, was rapidly taking a more hostile 
Senate. attitude. Caesar's term as proconsul closed in 49 B.C., and 
he could not enter upon the consulship for which he wished 
to stand till 48 B.C. Meanwhile, he would be a private 
citizen and could be brought to trial and ruined on charges 
which he knew would be trumped up against him. More- 
over, he could canvass for election only by coming to 
Rome in person; this he could not do without leaving his 
province and giving up his proconsulate. He sought to 



Ccesar Crosses the Rubicon 349 

have these conditions waived in his case, but the senate 
refused. Finally, after endless negotiations, the senate 
commanded him to resign his province, and Pompey was 
called upon to save the state from him as a public enemy. 
In response Caesar crossed the Rubicon, a river which 
separated his province from Italy, and marched rapidly on 
Rome with an army (January 49 B.C.). Rome was in alarm, He 
and Pompey, with the majority of the senate and a crowd ^^r^^^ 
of nobles, fled to the coast and crossed over to Greece, 
where he gathered an army from the eastern provinces. 
Caesar found himself, without serious opposition, in pos- is Master 
session of Italy and Rome. After a hasty expedition to °^ ^^^^' 
Spain, where he overthrew his enemies, he was appointed 
dictator, held the elections, in which he was made consul 
(48 B.C.), and proceeded to enter upon the struggle with 
Pompey and the senatorial party. 

419. The decisive battle was fought at Pharsalus in Pharsaius. 
Thessaly (48 B.C.). Pompey was beaten and his army 
scattered; he himself fled to Egypt, where he was mur- 
dered as he sought to land. But lesser commanders held 
out in the various provinces against the victor and he was 
compelled to make a series of campaigns against them. 
First, the east was brought into order. In Egypt, Cleo- Caesar 
patra and her brother Ptolemy, descendants of the old Ro^Vr!^* 
Greek rulers, were placed on the throne under Roman worid. 
protection. A battle at Zela (47 B.C.) overthrew the son 
of Mithridates, who attempted to withstand him. The 
formidable array of Pompeian generals in Africa was anni- 
hilated in the battle of Thapsus (46 B.C.). A last stand 
in Spain was made, only to be overthrown in 45 B.C., at 
the battle of Munda. After four years of fighting, Caesar 
was master of the situation, and the opportunity was open 



350 



Rome's Eastern Empire 



His 
Death. 



to him of solving the problems of the state, which had been 
in the balance for nearly a hundred years. But early in 
45 B.C. (March 15) he was assassinated in the senate- 



If'iii 



h\^M 



^\\\N~^V" 



pir l*«'»""'!'-^iisa*l>»...;s;a. V -^*;He^ 

"m' 



'lira,*- %y^: "i'iu>^^' \._^^^^ li>/JV'W''-w^s?^ 




His Work 
of Reor- 
ganization. 



Its 
Spirit. 



house by a band of conspirators, led by Gains Cassius 
and a favorite friend, Marcus Brutus, and the Roman 
world again plunged into anarchy. 

420. In the intervals of his campaigns, however, Caesar 
set himself to re-establish public order and civil adminis- 
tration both by his example and spirit and by his laws, 
(i) His attitude toward his enemies was an astonishingly 
mild one. No murders, no wholesale seizure of property, 
no gratifying of personal grudges marked his victory; on 
the contrary, forgiveness of injuries and the employment 
of vanquished opponents in state service was the rule. 
This can only mean that the welfare of the state and not 



Ccesar\s Administration 851 

personal ambition ruled his spirit. (2) He recognized 
his victory as the supremacy of the magistracy over the The 
other organs of state-life. The senate and the people had suTreme.^^ 
alike failed to administer affairs v^ith success. Now it 
v^as the turn of the magistrate. The senate was reduced 
to its legitimate place as his adviser. To this end it was 
enlarged to 900 members, made more representative by 
being drawn from various ranks of society and districts 
of the Empire; even "half-barbarian Gauls" were there. 
The people exercised its functions of law-giving and elec- 
tion under his bidding and direction. (3) He gathered 
all the magisterial powers into his own hand. The par- He is 
ticular office by which he ruled the state was that of die- Magistrate 
tator, but he combined with it consular, proconsular, 
tribunician and censorial powers, all of which were con- 
ferred upon him by senate and people. (4) The unifi- Hisim- 
cation of the Empire was one of his chief aims. The a^dfts^^*^ 
centralization of magisterial powers in himself enabled Reaiiza- 
him to hold all affairs in his own hands and direct them 
himself. The chief outward sign of this was his favorite 
title, Imperator. As Imperator he possessed an imperiiim 
above and inclusive of that of other magistrates.* Hence, 
he alone ruled the provinces and he was head of the city 
government. His measures indicated his ideals, (a) 
Citizenship was conferred on a wider scale than ever be- 
fore. The Gauls across the Po, colonies in the provinces 
and worthy persons among the provincials were given 
full rights and the Latin right was conferred upon others. 
{h) Municipal government (§ 341) was granted to many 
cities in Italy that hitherto had not possessed it. (c) New 
colonies were estabhshed at Corinth and Carthage and 

* This is called the majus iniperium. 



352 Rome's Eastern Empire 

decaying colonies and towns were revived by new settlers. 
(d) The city populace of Rome was curbed, political clubs 
were abolished, the number of those receiving state grain 
was cut down one half; Rome began to be reduced from 
the position of a sovereign of subject lands to the place of 
a leading city, or capital, of an Empire, (e) The soldiers 
of his armies were settled on lands obtained without con- 
fiscation. Thus law, rights, order and prosperity, com- 
mon to all, began to appear throughout the one Empire. 
(5) Outside of political affairs, the activities of Caesar 
were notable. He reformed the calendar by substituting 
for the indefinite lunar year the exact sun year of 36 5 1 

other days. Public works were undertaken both for the benefit 

Activities. q£ ^YiQ state and the employment of needy citizens. Chief 
among these was the Julian Forum, adorned with the 
temple of Venus, his patron goddess. We are told that 
he planned other extensive projects for beautifying the 
city and benefiting Italy, such as erecting a temple to Mars 
and a theatre, establishing public libraries, draining the 
Pomptine marshes and the Fucine lake, building a road 
over the Apennines, codifying the laws; but his death 
left them uncompleted. 

Literature 421. Caesar's geuius was many-sided, almost universal. 
He possessed striking literary power in an age of vigorous 
intellectual activity. Some of the chief ornaments of Ro- 
man literature flourished in his own day, but he shone 

Lucretius, as brightly as any. Two Roman poets, Lucretius and 
Catullus, belong to his time. Lucretius is famous for 
his philosophical poem On the Nature of Things^ dealing 
with the origin and history of the world and man, on the 
principles of the Epicurean philosophy (§ 293). Not only 
is its insight into truth remarkable, but the poetical power 



in His 
Day 



Literature in this Age 353 

displayed is rich and strong. Catullus was a lyric poet catuUus. 
who died at thirty, but left behind him poems whose lines 
are so dehcate, original and touching as to rank him 
among the greatest lyrists of the world. Supreme in the 
realm of prose was Cicero (§ 411), who sprang into fame cicero 
as an orator by his prosecution of Verres, the corrupt 
Roman governor of Sicily, and advanced it by a long series 
of legal and political speeches like those against Catihne 
(§ 412). In another sphere, that of political, literary and 
philosophical treatises, he wrote works such as those On 
Oratory, On the State, On the Nature of God, On Old Age* 
These masterpieces are not only notable for their ideas, 
they are most significant in their marvellous mastery of 
the Latin tongue, the majestic roll of their sentences, the 
music of their phrases, the strength and variety of their 
vocabulary. He made Latin the vehicle of expression 
for the widest and highest thought, the medium of utter- 
ance for generations of scholars and thinkers to come, caesar 
Among such men Caesar was also famous. As an orator, ^^^^^^ 
there were those who placed him on a level with Cicero. 
But the world knows him best in literature by his unrivalled 
narratives of his campaigns. His Commentaries, notes 
or jottings on the Gallic War and the Civil War, are ex- 
pressed in terse, vivid, clear Latin, **the model and de- 
spair of later historians." The only man of the time who 
approached him was Sallust, one of his younger contem- saiiust. 
poraries and a trusted officer, whose model for historical 
writing was Thucydides (§ 203). His chief work was his 
History of his own times from the death of Sulla. Only 
a few fragments of it remain, but two brief treatises, one 
on the war with Jugurtha and the other on the conspiracy 
of Catiline, have survived. They show considerable lit- 



354 Rome's Eastern Empire 

erary power and an admirable sense for historic truth. 
Lesser Ughts of the time were Cornelius Nepos, the biog- 
rapher, and Varro, the learned antiquarian, whose trea- 
ises on old Roman life and manners, though preserved in 
fragments, have been of great value to modern students, 
csesar's 422. Yet, as soldier and statesman, Caesar stands pre- 

Geniu^^ eminent. He possessed four gifts to an extraordinary- 
Analyzed, degree, (i) Quickness of insight and an almost preter^ 
natural abiUty to choose the right course to success. (2) 
A breadth of view which saw things in their widest issues 
and could devise measures on a scale proportionate to 
the problem to be solved. (3) Immense capacity for 
toil. (4) Marvellous power to draw men to himself, to 
fire them with his own enthusiasm and to set them at 
work. Any one of these gifts makes a strong man; all 
of them combined made Caesar the foremost man of his 
time and one of the few greatest men of all times. His 
only parallel in the ancient world is Alexander of Mace- 
don. Like that hero, he closes one chapter of world- 
history and opens another. He changed the face of things, 
and the world has ever since borne the impress of his mar- 
vellous achievement. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 

3. Rome's Eastern Empire. The wars that conquered the East — 
the efifect of money and eastern civiUzation on Rome — the be- 
ginning of civil strife — Tiberius Gracchus and his platform 
— Caius Gracchus (against the Senate, the franchise question) 
— failure of the Senate (war with Jugurtha) — Marius and the 
democracy — the northern invaders — military reforms — individual 
leaders, men of war — Drusus and the Social War — its result — 



Rome's Eastern Empire 355 

Sulla — the war with Mithridates — Sulla in power at Rome — his 
legislation and its outcome — demands of the provinces — rise of 
Pompey — his Eastern command — rise of Cicero and Caesar — 
conspiracy of Catiline and Cicero's triumph — Pompey in the 
East — return and first Triumvirate — confusion at Rome — Caesar 
in Gaul — Pompey takes the senatorial side — Caesar crosses the 
Rubicon — Pharsalus — death of Caesar — his work of reorgani- 
zation (spirit, imperialism, centred on himself, his measures) — 
literature of the time — Caesar the foremost man of antiquity. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what were the following im- 
portant: Drusus, Jugurtha, Sertorius, Luca, the Rubicon, 
Lucretius? 2. What is meant by Triumvirate, Italica, Agra- 
rian law, majus imperium, populares? 3. Who were the 
two leading Scipios and how did they receive their names of 
Africanus and iCmilianus? 4. Trace the careers of the fol- 
lowing through the period: Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Cicero, 
Caesar. 5. What was the date of Caesar's death? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the parties at Rome in 
origin, aims and character with those at Athens in the fifth 
century (§§ 146, 165, 195, 199, 217, 218). 2. With what Greek 
statesman and soldier would you compare Sulla (see Plutarch's 
choice)? 3. In Plates XI and XVIII compare the heads of 
Alexander and Caesar and draw some conclusions. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Roman Constitution by the Year 133. Munro, pp. 47-52 
(source); Horton, ch. 19. 2. The Gracchi and Their Times. 

Plutarch, Lives of the Gracchi; Morey, ch. 19; Seignobos, ch. 
13; Botsford, pp. 1 51-160; How and Leigh, chs. 33-36; Wolf- 
son, ch. 28; Shuckburgh, ch. 35. 3. The Politics of the 
Gracchi. Abbott, pp. 94-98. 4. The Times of Marius and 
Sulla. Morey, ch. 20; Seignobos, ch. 14; Botsford, pp. 160-174; 
Wolfson, ch. 29. 5. The Numidian War. Myres, pp. 360- 
368; How and Leigh, pp. 360-371. 6. The Cimbri and Teu- 
tones. Myres, pp. 368-372; Horton, ch. 23. 7. Military 
Reforms of Marius. Myres, pp. 378-380; How and Leigh, 
pp. 378-380. 8. The Social War. How and Leigh, ch. 39; 
Shuckburgh, pp. 589-592. 9. The Constitution of Sulla. 
Morey, pp. 176-179; Abbott, pp. 104-107; How and Leigh, 
ch. 44; Myres, ch. 35. 10. Times of Pompey and Caesar. 
Morey, ch. 21; Botsford, pp. 175-196. 11. Pompey in the East. 



356 Rome's Eastern Empire 

Shuckburgh, ch. 42; How and Leigh, ch. 46. 12. Conspiracy 
of Catiline. How and Leigh, ch. 47. 13. Caesar in Gaul. 
How and Leigh, ch. 49; Shuckburgh, ch. 44. 14. Caesar, 
Pompey and the Senate. Abbott, pp. 114-116; Myres, ch. 41. 
15. The Legislation of Caesar. Abbott, pp. 129-138; Hor- 
ton, ch. 30; Morey, pp. 197-200; West, pp. 377-382; How 
and Leigh, ch. 52. 16. Roman Literature of this Period. 
Laing (quotations and biographies), pp. 63-197; Mackail, pp. 
39-88. 

GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISIONS 1 AND 2 

500-44 B.C. 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. An outline of the main 
points of Roman History in chronological order from the point 
of view of Rome's relation to outside peoples. 2. A similar out- 
line from the point of view of Rome's inner life. 3. The Peo- 
ples that contributed to Rome's greatness, arranged chronologi- 
cally with examples (§§ 311, 313, 315, 330, 365, 381, 385-389, 
393). 4. The most important dates in Roman History to 44 b.c. 

5. The changes appearing in Rome's attitude toward outside 
peoples (§§ 325, 326, 335, 336, 358, 371, 375-378, 407, 420). 

6. Roman Farming and the Farmer — as illustrating the history 
(§§ 314, 329» 346, 365, 381, 384)- 7. Development of the 
Roman Army (§§ 316, 344, 399). 8. A List of the Great 
Men of Rome in the different periods of her history to 44 b.c. 
9. Roman citizenship in the various periods of Roman history 
(§§ 34i> 39i> 394» 402). 10. An enumeration of the influ- 
ences and tendencies that from the beginning of the state led 
up to Caesar's supremacy (§§ 339, 366, 394, 395, 400, 407). 
11. The history of the influence of commerce on Roman history 
(§§ 306, 312, 335, 336, 358, 377, 378, 382, 394, 408, 413). 

MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. Prepare a map of Repub- 
lican Rome to accompany Paper No. 3 below. 2. Compare 
the Oriental heads in Plate II with the heads of Caesar and 
Cicero in Plate XVIII. 3. In the same way compare the two 
Roman heads with the Greek heads in Plate XL 4. Make a 
plan of the Roman Forum and use it to illustrate Plate XVII. 
5. Prepare a map of the Mediterranean world to show — by 
different colored pencils or inks — the expansion of Rome in 
each of the three periods to 44 b.c. 6. On Plate XVI study 




KOME 

about 500 B. C. 

[■i^A Roman State 




Survey of the New Period 357 

the Roman coins of this age and compare them with the Greek 
coins of Plate XV. (See Appendix II.) 

SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The Roman Magis- 
trate — His Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 150-173. 

2. The >EdiIe — His Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 202-206. 

3. The City of Rome down to 44 b.c. Merivale, ch. 78. 4. The 
Roman Senate — its Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 
220-243; Fowler, City State, ch. 8. 5. Rome's Treatment of 
Spain as Illustrative of its Dealing with Conquered Peoples. 
How and Leigh, pp. 240-245, 464-466; Shuckburgh, pp. 458- 
463, 538-545. 6. Roman Slavery as Testified to by the Ro- 
mans Themselves. Sources in Munro, pp. 179-192. 7. The 
Carthaginian Empire. Mommsen, History of Rome, Vol. II, Bk. 
3,ch. I. 8. Roman Roads. Dictionaries of Antiquities, articles 
"Via," or "Roads"; Guhland Koner, pp. 341-344; Johnston, pp. 
282-287. 9. The Story of Terence's "Phormio" as Illustrative 
of Roman Comedy. Laing, pp. 4-62. 10. How was Justice Ad- 
ministered at Rome? Abbott (§§ 65, 87, 96, 100, 182, 189, 200- 
203, 222, 236, 251, 309). 11. Some Roman Traditional Stories: 
(a) The Secessions of the Plebeians, (b) The Caudine Forks. 
Munro, pp. 74-77. (c) Cincinnatus. Botsford, Story of Rome; 
Yonge, Stories of Roman History; Church, Stories from Livy. 
12. An Estimate of Caesar Written by Pompey. 13. The Ro- 
man Equites (Knights) — History and Privileges. Dictionaries 
of Antiquities, under the name; Greenidge, "Roman Public 
Life," index under name. 14. The Financial Administration of 
the State. Abbott (§§ 184, 213, 239, 280; Greenidge, pp. 
229-232, 286-287). 15. "We ought to be thankful to Csesar 
every day that we live." Justify this remark. 



4.— ROME'S WORLD-EMPIRE 

44 B.C.-A.D. 800 
423. The era of expansion beginning with 200 B.C. had prelimi- 
put Rome in possession of the countries where the main survey 
current of historic Hfe had hitherto run its course. A 
World-Empire had arisen, stretching from the Euphrates 
to the Atlantic. The problem, again thrown into the 



The 

Problem 
and its 
Solution. 



358 World-Empire under the Principate 

arena by Caesar's murder, was the administration of that 
Empire; the course of the following epochs of ancient 
history is the solution of that problem — the government 
of the Roman world. 



The 
Principate. 



The 
Despotism. 



The 

Barbarian 
Invasions. 



Charle- 
magne. 



The End. 



Divisions 
of the 
Period. 



After a brief period of confusion and warfare (44-31 B.C.), Oc- 
tavius, nephew of Julius Caesar, emerged as sole successor of his 
uncle, and the state was reorganized under the joint rule of Octavius 
and the senate. As Octavius, who was given the honorary tide of 
Augustus, regarded his position as that of first citizen (princeps) in 
the state, the government thus established is called the Principate. 
It endured, with some modifications, for three centuries (31 B.C.- 
A.D. 284) — a series of successors of Augustus sharing with the senate 
the administration of the state. During this time the power of the 
Princeps, heightened by the demands of administration and the ne- 
cessities of war, steadily grew greater than that of the senate. 

Finally, in 284 B.C., an able ruler, Diocletian, did away with this 
dual system;* the powers of the senate were abolished and the Prin- 
ceps became absolute monarch. The state was thoroughly reorgan- 
ized. A successor, Constantine, removed the capital from Rome to a 
new city in the east, Constantinople. But, meanwhile, new peoples 
had been gathering on the borders of the Empire, particularly the 
Teutonic (German) tribes on the north. In the struggle to maintain 
itself against these, the imperial authority was shaken. In a.d. 395 
these "barbarians" began to pour into the Empire in overwhelming 
numbers. From that time the history of the Roman state is the his- 
tory of a slowly dissolving structure, until in a.d. 800 Charlemagne, 
a king of a Teutonic people, the Franks, who had built up a strong 
kingdom in Gaul, was crowned by the pope at Rome, Emperor of the 
Romans. With this coronation the Teutonic people take charge of 
the destinies of the old Roman state and bring new elements into the 
history of the world that mark the end of the ancient period. 

Thus the history of the period falls into three main 
epochs. 

* This joint rule of Caesar and the senate is sometimes called by a 
Greek term, Dyarchy. 



CHART OF THE HISTORY OF ROME'S WORLD-EMPIRE. 31 B.G.-284A.D. 



27 The Keijublic re-establisliuil. Octuvius called Augustus. The rrimipate begins. 

2.". Provinces of Galiitiaaiul Faniphylia. 
23 New forni of sovernment. The Uyarcliy finally established. 

15 Gaul given provincial ijovernnient 
Kaetia and Noricuin.provluces. 
12 Death of Asrippa.. jj 

8 Death of MaeteuaM. I Canii)aisn of Diiisus in Germany. 



4 Adoption of Tiberius. 



9 Defeat of Varna by Arniinins. 
10 I'annonia a i)rovince. 
jjlfCanipaign of Gernianicus In Gi 



I Public Ministry 
1 of Jesus Clirist 



t. ", h 



t:\ Urilain annexed as a provil 



64 Burning of Rome, 
irsecution of Christians. 66 Revolt of Jews. 

70 Titus captures Jerusalc 



i, 



79 Destruction of Pompeii 

aud.Herculaneum. gS Agricola victor in Uritain. 



1 . Conquest of Dacia. 
j|- Trajan's wars in tlie Kast. 



I .\ntoni nus Piu 



Journey.-i of Hadrian. 



lOG Pestilence devastates llie En 



Wars Willi tlK- Uinonuuu 



i7 Persecution of Clinslians. 



193 Imperial crown sohl to lii^liest l)i( 



septilmius beverus 



I Campaigns in Britain. 
211 211 Alanninni ai)pear. 

212 All freemen made Konian Citizens. 



Jli The Sa>.-aiiians in Per.- 



::.0 Pi-rseiu(i.ui of CI 



2.-n Invasions of Goths. 

•Jf.O Emperor Valerian captured by Parlhians 



llie Problem after Ccesars Death 359 

1. The World-Empire under the Principate, 44 b.c- 
A.D. 284. 

2. The World-Empire under the Despotism, a.d. 284- 

395- 

3. The Breaking-up of the World-Empire and the End 

of the Ancient Period, a.d. 395-800. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY* 

For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 

Bury. The Student's Roman Empire; to the death of Marcus A urelius. 
American Book Co. Full of matter, well written, an invaluable 
work of reference, rather too detailed for continuous reading by the 
beginner. 

Gibbon. The Student's Gibbon. American Book Co. This well- 
known abridgment of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire should be constantly in the hands of the student for the 
period with which it deals. 

Merivale. General History of Rome to 476 A.d. American Book Co. 
Merivale becomes especially useful in the imperial period; his nar- 
rative is full and clear, though the organization of his material is 
defective. 



(i) THE WORLD-EMPIRE UNDER THE 
PRINCIPATE 

44 B.C.-A.D. 284 

424. The dozen years (44-31 B.C.) that followed Caesar's After 
murder were filled with turmoil and struggle. Those who ^^hli?~ 
hoped that the senate would resume control of the gov- 
ernment were soon undeceived. Antony, consul at the 
time of Caesar's death, came forward as his avenger, and 
by his side soon appeared Octavius, the grand-nephew 

* For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75, 249. 



360 World-Empire under the Principate 

and heir of Caesar,* a youth who, though but nineteen 
years of age, showed uncommon prudence and energy. 
These two united with themselves Lepidus, whom Caesar 
had appointed to the province of Transalpine Gaul, a 
man of little force or insight. Supported by the legions, 
The Second they Compelled the senate to appoint them a Triumvirate 
vibrate!" ^^^ settHng the affairs of the state (43 B.C.). Acting in 
this capacity, they avenged themselves on their enemies in 
Rome and filled the city with blood. Their most illustrious 
victim was Cicero, whose brilliant orations f against 
Antony in the senate, a few months before, had aroused 
Phiiippi. his hatred. At the battle of Philippi (42 B.C.) they over- 
threw the armies of Brutus and Cassius, who had led the 
conspirators against Caesar. Then Antony and Octa- 
vius, shelving Lepidus, set about their task of settling af- 
fairs, Antony taking the east and Octavius the west. 
Antony failed to manage his share of the administration 
successfully ; he became entangled with Cleopatra, Queen 
of Egypt, and let matters go at loose ends. Moreover, 
Actium he quarrelled with Octavius. Finally, the two met in 
battle at Actium (31 B.C.), where Antony was beaten. 
He fled to Egypt with Cleopatra and there both perished 
by suicide. Octavius alone remained at the head of the 
state. 
The Prob- 42$. The qucstions that had faced Caesar now confronted 
o^avius. Octavius — how should the state be reorganized, and what 
place should he occupy in it ? For answering these ques- 
tions he possessed little of the genius of his uncle, that far- 
seeing eye, that quick grasp of all the elements in the situa- 

* As adopted son of Caesar his name was Octavianus. 
t These orations were called Philippics in recollection of Demos thenes's 
speeches against Philip (§ 249). 



The Plan of Octavius 361 

tion, that daring and enthusiastic spirit which did not shrink 

from doing in its own way whatever was to be done. Yet His Fitness 

Octavius had what was, perhaps, for his time, a better 

equipment — caution, and coolness, attachment to the 

past, love of peace and order, an iron will which, however, 

was ready to use the most available means to gain its way. 

With these qualities he could not follow Caesar's path — 

break with the past, gather all powers into his own hand 

and rule the state as supreme magistrate. Had not that HisPian. 

path led to assassination? He proposed to restore the 

old order and adjust his own position and power to it. 

Senate, magistrates and people should play their part as 

before in the conduct of the state. On him should be 

conferred extraordinary powers for the special tasks of 

administration which so sorely needed attention in the 

vast domains of the imperial state. 

426. In the year 27 B.C. the arrangement went into The 
force. "I transferred the state," he says, "from my olTeraUon 
power to the control of the senate and people." He was 
given by them the proconsular imperium for ten years 
and the sacred title of Augustus. With this imperium went 
supreme authority over all provincial governors and sole 
rule over certain provinces on the frontiers where armies 
were needed; he was therefore master of the legions. 
Over these provinces he placed lieutenants responsible to 
himself. The other provinces were ruled by governors 
appointed by the senate.* He already possessed the 
tribunician power and for some years continued to be 

* The place of Egypt in this arrangement was pecuUar. It was assigned 
as a province to neither, but was regarded as a kind of private possession 
of Augustus. No senator was permitted to enter it. The reason for this 
was, no doubt, the immense importance of Egypt to Rome because of its 
corn-supply. 



362 World-Empire under the PrincijMte 



The 
Principate. 



The 

Republic 
Restored. 



The Good 
Results. 



(I) The 
Empire 
Organized. 



elected consul. But, as it was not constitutional to be 
consul and proconsul at the same time, he laid down the 
consulship in 23 B.C., although retaining the rank and 
power, preferring to take part in civil affairs by virtue of 
his tribunician authority. To represent his place in the 
state in all its aspects he chose the title of Princeps or 
"First Citizen," whence this form of government is called 
the Principate. Later he was also honored with the title 
of pater patrice, ** Father of his country." From time 
to time his proconsular power was renewed, as the term 
for which it was assigned expired; the tribunician power 
only he held for life. The people elected magistrates and 
made laws; the senate administered the state through 
him and other officials appointed by it. Thus Augustus 
proudly declared that he had restored the republic. His 
conduct was in accordance with his word. In the city 
he wore the toga of a citizen and lived in his simple home 
on the Palatine, wearing the clothes woven by the women 
of his family. No escort accompanied him about the 
streets except such as became a magistrate, and every 
citizen could consult him without ceremony. 

427. The advantages of this arrangement were clear and 
its beneficial results immediate. A sense of security and 
satisfaction was felt everywhere. Now, at last, peace 
under constitutional government was obtained. A proper 
method of reorganizing the state and meeting the diffi- 
culties of administration was reached. The evils of the 
time were met with strong remedies. 

428. The Empire was set in order. Here the central 
thought of Augustus was that the heart of the Empire was 
Italy, from the Alps to Sicily. Over against Italy and 
dependent upon it were the provinces. It was the " sacred 



The Imperial Organization 363 

land." Its economic prosperity revived; waste lands itaiythe 
were peopled and brought under cultivation; disorder ^^'^*''^- 
was put down; the municipalities were given free scope 
to organize and govern themselves; public roads were 
repaired. The dignity of ItaHan citizenship was em- 
phasized. Even the freedmen were given a place in the 
public Hfe by the institution of the Augustales, a body of 
six men, appointed in each community, who at their own 
expense exhibited games in honor of Augustus. To be an 
Augustal was regarded as a notable distinction by the 
freedmen. Italy, thus set apart from the rest of the state, as 
the model and glory of the Empire, was governed by the 
senate. The provinces were dealt with in the same The 
thorough way. Those which were under the direct rule '■°^^°"®- 
of Augustus were managed by his legates and procura- officials, 
tors, men selected because they were efficient adminis- 
trators. They were dependent on him for advancement 
and honor; hence, they sought by good work to obtain his 
favor. The borders of the Empire were protected and the 
internal affairs of the provinces were regulated. An 
imperial coinage, guaranteed by the state as pure, was put 
into circulation. The army, which in the civil wars had Army, 
reached the enormous size of more than fifty legions, was 
reduced to twenty-five. It was kept on the frontiers 
constantly under arms, trained and prepared for defence. 
It was under the direct command of Augustus. After a 
victory, the soldiers hailed, not their own general, as for- 
merly, but Augustus, as Imperator. Only Roman citi- 
zens could serve in the legions. Provincials were em- 
ployed as auxiliaries. Each legion had its particular name 
and usually its permanent quarters in a special province. 
By virtue of being commander-in-chief, Augustus, like 



364 World-Empire under the Principate 

other generals, had his body-guard (the cohors prcEtorla) ; 
as he Hved at Rome, his guard was stationed in the city; 
it was the "praetorian cohort," and under its two pre- 
fects or commanders had much influence in the state. The 
Finances, fiuanccs of the provinccs were estabhshed on a firm basis. 
All the income from the provinces under Augustus came 
into his treasury, called the Fiscus,^ and he had sole 
power over its management. Hence, there was no more 
stealing of public money by officials. A map of the 
Empire was prepared, showing the chief towns and 
roads of every province ; a census was taken of the greater 
provinces, perhaps of all. The farming of taxes with all 
its abominations was greatly restricted. The land tax and 
the poll tax, the two direct taxes levied, were collected by 
the state; the "pubHcan" (§379) still dealt in the customs 
and other Uke imposts. Thus a business administration 
was established which saved money and gave the state 
abundant revenues. Augustus spent this money freely 
on imperial roads and buildings throughout the Empire. 
By these means he created new bonds of unity which held 
the Roman world together as never before and brought 
about the extension of Roman civilization from end to 
end of it. We can hardly conceive the immense advan- 
tage to the provinces of this stable and beneficent gov- 
ernment. 
Foreign 429. The poHcy of Augustus with respect to the peo- 

Pohcy. pi^g outside the Roman world was in general a very pru- 
The East, dcut ouc. In the East he had no desire to follow up the 
project of Julius Caesar for a war with Parthia. He was 
content by skilful negotiation to obtain the return of the 

* The word means "basket"; in Roman households the money-box 
was a basket. 




THE ROMAN EMPIRE 

IN THE 
TIME OF AUGUSTUS. 

100 200 300 400 50 

Scale of Miles. 



3 Boundaries of Roman Empire at death of Julius Caesar. 



I I Territory added by Augusti 

WttKKti states allied to Rome. 
t 1 Senatorial Provinces. 



Foreign Policy of Augustus 365 

battle-flags lost by Crassus (§415 )and to increase by peace- 
ful ways the influence of Rome beyond the Euphrates. 
In the west and south he devoted himself rather to re- The West, 
organization than to expansion. Gaul was divided into 
provinces and thoroughly Romanized by pubHc roads, 
commerce and law. Spain was subdivided into three 
provinces and completely brought under Roman control. 
In the years to come some of Rome's greatest citizens 
had their homes in these western lands. On the north The North. 
the problem was more difficult. The dangers from the 
restless Teutonic peoples made necessary an advance into 
this region until a defensible frontier should be reached 
and the nations bordering on it brought under Roman 
influence. The natural boundary in the northeast was 
the Danube; thither Augustus pushed forward his line. 
Four new provinces were formed: Moesia, Pannonia, 
Noricum and Rhaetia, extending from the Black sea to 
the sources of the Danube. Connecting with these on the 
north and northwest the shortest boundary would be 
made by the Elbe. Augustus advanced across the Rhine 
to establish his frontiers on that river. By these means 
it was felt that the most dangerous border of the Roman 
world would be safely guarded. 

430. Augustus had clear notions of the spirit which (2) sodai 
should inspire the state. He proposed to revive the old JjJrLfd." 
Roman ideals. The simple Hfe of duty to the gods and 
service to the state was again to be supreme in Roman 
society. He encouraged marriage and the rearing of 
children; divorce, which had grown so alarmingly com- 
mon, and other forms of immorality, that were destroy- 
ing the purity of private life at Rome, were sternly re- 
pressed. The different orders of society were clearly 



366 World-Empire under the Principate 



Classes of 
Society 
Empha- 
sized. 



Revival of 
Religion. 



Literature 
Revives. 

Vergil. 



marked off and fitting tasks were assigned to each. The 
senatorial order was purged of unworthy members and 
set at its task of governing its share of the state. By virtue 
of his censorial authority (§ 328) admission to the order 
was made dependent on the will of Augustus. From the 
equestrian order he chose his officials for the administra- 
tion of the provinces assigned to him. As possessed of 
tribunician power he guided and curbed the Roman popu- 
lace and endeavored to inspire in them interest in the 
elections and in the government of the city. Perhaps his 
supreme passion was the restoration of the old Roman 
religion. Ancient temples were rebuilt and the venerable 
worship was revived in stately splendor. In 12 B.C. he 
became Pontifex Maximus, the head of the Roman church. 
New and rich endowments were provided for the priestly 
colleges. The worship of the Lares (§ 314), which, above 
all else, was typical of the old faith, was revived. Three 
hundred of their shrines were raised along the streets of 
the city and twice a year they were adorned with flowers. 
By all this he sought to show that it was the ancient gods 
who had raised him to power and had brought peace, 
order and prosperity to the world. His plans largely 
succeeded. Religion, as the old Roman conceived it, 
in its best sense, lived again. The altars smoked anew 
with sacrifices. 

431. Corresponding to the glad sense of order and peace, 
literature and art took on new fife. One of the world's 
greatest poets, Publius Vergilius Maro (70-19 B.C.), 
adorned the Augustan age. His poems, the Eclogues 
picturing pastoral fife, the Georgics, in praise of agricult- 
ure, and his chief work, the Mneid, an epic which glori- 
fies the beginnings of Rome, are all full of the spirit and 



Vergil, Livy, Horace 367 

ideals that inspired Augustus. The reHgion that made 
Rome great, the sturdy faith and stalwart patriotism that 
filled her sons with might — these he hallowed in melodious 
verse and touching pictures, which gave him wondrous 
popularity then, and have made his name immortal in the 
world of poetry. His conception of the world-wide mis- 
sion of Rome, her imperial destiny and the certainty of 
its success in the hands of Augustus, contributed mightily 
to the strength of the new regime. He was worthily 
seconded by the historian, Titus Livius (59 b.c.-a.d. 17), Livy. 
who used all materials which had come down to him from 
the past to write his Roman History in 142 books, from 
Rome's beginning to a.d. 9. He idealized the old days 
and found consolation for the evils of the present only 
in a return to the sobriety, fidelity and heroism of the past. 
The legends of early Rome he retells without criticism of 
their truth, and throws a halo of splendor over the days 
of the republic. With strong imagination and romantic 
temper he pictures the noble men and stirring scenes of 
early times. His style is full and flowing, and he is pos- 
sessed of a fine literary art which expresses itself in the 
picturesque grouping of his intensely human characters. 
Unfortunately, only a small part of his great work has 
been preserved. Another literary light was Quintus 
Horatius Flaccus (65 b.c.-a.d. 8), the son of a freed- Horace, 
man. In his Satires he plays upon the social and literary 
follies of the Rome of his day; his Epodes are even more 
satirical; he reaches the height of his genius in the Odes 
and Epistles. A genial critic of life who sees its weak- 
nesses yet loves it, with few ambitions beyond a glowing 
fireside, a good wine and a sympathetic friend, a lover of 
nature who was at the same time a man of the world — 



368 World-Empire under the Principate 



Revival of 
Art. 



The Cul- 
mination. 

The 

Secular 

Games. 



Caesar- 
Worship. 



he had the unique power of putting his thoughts into 
precise, teUing phrases and of fitting them into lyrical 
verse of charming delicacy and force. Vergil, Livy, 
Horace — these three have given an enduring fame to the 
Augustan age, of which they are, each in his own way, the 
characteristic products. 

432. Monuments in bronze and marble attested the 
revival of art in this time. Augustus himself enlarged 
the Forum and built, among other temples, that of Apollo 
on the Palatine, of marble without, and filled with 
statues. From him also came the theatre of Marcellus 
with a seating capacity of 20,000 persons. Others vied 
with him in adorning the city. Agrippa, his most trusted 
officer, built the Pantheon, the temple of Poseidon and 
magnificent public baths. It is said that Augustus de- 
clared with pride: "I received a city of brick; I leave a 
city of marble." 

433. To declare the meaning and greatness of his work, 
Augustus chose the celebration of the Ludi Sceculares, a 
festival which was observed every hundred years. This, 
the fifth time of its observance, in the year 17 B.C., was 
one of singular splendor. For it Horace wrote a hymn, 
the Carmen Sceculare. But a more striking, perhaps the 
supreme, illustration of what he had done is seen in the 
rise of a new object of worship — the Princeps himself. 
Julius Caesar had permitted worship to be offered to him- 
self, and a temple to the "divine Julius" was reared after 
his death. Now, especially by the Orientals, temples and 
altars were raised to Rome and Augustus. This worship 
he tried to repress, but in vain. It expressed too clearly 
the joy and gratitude of the provincials for the blessings 
which his administration had brought to them. Already 



Birth of Jesus Christ 369 

this kind of deification of men had found a place among 
the Greeks (§ 288), and Caesar-worship soon took its place 
among the recognized religious cults of the time as a 
natural testimony to the divine character of the new Ro- 
man state, which rose high above all other powers, the 
symbol of universal order and peace. 

434. Amid all the splendors of the Augustan age a 
child was born in one of the most insignificant provinces The Birth 

1 of Jesus. 

of the Empire whose sway was to surpass m power ana 
extent the wildest dreams of the Caesars. In the days 
of Herod, king of Judaea, vassal of Augustus, Jesus 
Christ* was born in Bethlehem of Judaea. We do not 
know the year. It was four or five years before the date 
traditionally assigned. Yet our chronology turns upon it, 
for the years of the world's history are numbered accord- 
ing as they precede the assigned year of his birth or follow 
it.t Jesus was the founder of Christianity, the reHgion 
which was to play a large part in the history of the Roman 
Empire and is professed by the so-called Christian na- 
tions of Europe and America. 
A^K. But there was another side to all the grandeur of The 

, - , . r r, u A Shadows in 

the Augustan age. The people of the city of Rome had ^^^ scene, 
too long been a prey to moral corruption to be reformed Moral 
by example and precept. Unbounded luxury and gilded corruption, 
vice continued to be fearfully rampant among the higher 
classes. Even JuUa, the daughter of Augustus, created 
scandal by her loose behavior. The lower classes still 
clamored for free bread and games. To them Augustus 

* "Christ" is the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew word "Messiah," 
the "anointed" (king) whom the Jews expected to appear as their de- 

liverer. 

t That is, B.C., "before Christ," and A.D., anno Domini, "the year of 

the Lord." 



370 World-Empire under the Principatc 



Ovid its 
Exemplar. 



Adminis- 
trative Dif- 
ficulties. 



Growth of 
Power of 
Princeps. 



had to yield in part, and his doles to them and the shows 
he exhibited before them surpassed even those of his 
predecessors. Over against the fine spirit and high ideals 
of a Vergil must be placed the example and popularity of 
other poets of the time, among whom the most promi- 
nent was Publius Ovidius Naso, better known as Ovid 
(43 B.c.-A.D. 18). He was not untouched by the nobler 
memories and hopes of his time, as his Fasti show — a 
gathering up of the ancient Roman religious customs 
arranged according to the religious calendar. But his 
Metamorphoses, a collection of myths of transformation, 
his Art oj Love, his Love Stories and other poetical trifles, 
reveal the gay and profligate character of the society of 
which he was the pride and ornament. Possessed of a 
vivid, brilliant and graceful poetic gift, a born story-teller, 
he used his powers for frivolous and unworthy ends. 
Banished to Pontus by Augustus because of his intrigues, 
he exhibits in his Tristia the baseness of his spirit by his 
fawning praise of the Princeps who had justly condemned 
him. 

436. Augustus's scheme of government did not work 
altogether as was expected. The balance of power be- 
tween the senate and himself steadily swung toward his 
side. The senate showed incompetence in the sphere 
of administration assigned to it, and he was compelled to 
take more and more of its proper activities upon himself. 
In Rome, for example, he took charge of the supply of corn 
and its distribution to the poor and also of the water 
supply. The police and firemen were also under pre- 
fects appointed by him. In Italy and the senatorial prov- 
inces he had large powers. All the military forces through- 
out the Empire were under his orders. Sometimes he was 



Shadows of Augustus's Rule 371 

compelled to undertake the financial reorganization of a 
province which had gone bankrupt under senatorial ad- 
ministration. Over all senatorial officials he had the 
majus imperium (§ 420). Thus it gradually became 
clear how difficult it was to conduct affairs on this division 
of powers. No wonder that those who had hailed him 
as the restorer of the republic began to question whether 
he had not become its master. The nobles murmured. 
At least three conspiracies were formed against him; conspira- 
though they failed, the motive which inspired them was *^^*^- 
obvious. That Augustus was able to hold his position 
for so many years, without falling a victim to the spirit 
that had killed Julius, is a testimony to his prudence and 
vigilance. He was fortunate, also, in having two wise 
counsellors, Maecenas and Agrippa. Maecenas was a His coun- 
diplomatist of uncommon tact and wisdom; at the same ^®"°''^- 
time he was a man of the world, enormously rich, a patron 
of art and literature. Agrippa was the man of action as 
well as of counsel. He won the battle of Actium for Augus- 
tus and was intrusted by the Princeps with the direction 
of every critical piece of work in military or civil affairs. 
Both died before their master, and he was wont to say 
during the later and darker days of his reign: "This 
would not have happened, had Maecenas or Agrippa been 
alive." 

437. For darker days did come as the long years of 
Augustus drew to their close. A severe blow was struck at 
his military prestige, when Varus, the incompetent com- The Disas- 
mander of the legions on the northern frontier, was slain 
and his army cut to pieces by the Germans under Ar- 
minius (a.d. 9). Augustus decided that it was im- 
possible to keep the frontier at the Elbe and withdrew 



ter of 
Varus. 



372 World-Empire under the Principate 



Problem 
of the 
Succession. 



The De- 
vice of 
Augustus. 



His Family. 



Choice of 
Tiberius. 



his forces to the Rhine. He enjoined this poHcy of 
cautious defence of the borders upon his successors. It 
is doubtful whether in this he showed his accustomed 
wisdom. 

438. The weakest point in the arrangement between 
Augustus and the senate concerned the imperial succes- 
sion. If he had received his appointment as princeps 
from the senate and people, then they could appoint as 
his successor whomsoever they might choose. As his was 
an extraordinary office, they might decide not to continue 
it after his death. But, in fact, Augustus was determined 
not only that the princeps should remain, but that the one 
whom he should point out should succeed him. But how 
should this successor be indicated? Augustus decided 
to associate with himself this destined successor during 
his lifetime in such a way as to make his purpose clear. 
Whom, then, should he thus designate ? He himself had 
married twice; his first wife bore him a daughter, Julia, 
whom he married to his friend and counsellor, Agrippa. 
Two promising sons of this marriage died before their 
grandfather. The third son was an impossible candidate. 
Augustus's second wife, Livia, had been divorced from 
her former husband after she had borne him two sons, 
Tiberius and Drusus. Drusus died before Augustus. 
Agrippa, his son-in-law, was at one time thought of as the 
chosen successor, but he, too, passed away in the lifetime 
of Augustus. Tiberius alone remained. Though Augus- 
tus disliked him, he was a capable, vigorous man and the 
choice was narrowed to him. In a.d. 4 Augustus adopted 
him as his son; in a.d. 13 he associated him with himself 
in the imperium and bestowed on him at a later date 
the tribunician and censorial powers. Thus there could 



What Augustus Accomplished 373 

be no doubt whom the Princeps desired to follow him. 
Having gone thus far, he could not venture farther. The Death of 
next year he himself died at the age of seventy-five years. "^^^^tus. 

We are told that in the hour of death he called for a looking-glass 
and bade them arrange his hair and his beard. He asked his friends 
whether he had played well the *' farce" of life. Then, alone with 
his own family, he asked after the health of a little child of the family 
who was ill, then suddenly kissed his wife Livia and expired quietly, 
breathing out the last words, "Livia, live mindful of our union, 
farewell." 

439. The nearly half a century during which Augus- The 
tus had conducted the plan of administration devised by menToV 
himself, had established it as an abiding work. Herein Augustus, 
is his glory, that he founded a new and permanent govern- 
ment for the shattered Roman state. He had done what 
Julius had failed to do. Order, peace, prosperity, per- 
manence — these things he restored to the Roman world. 
Defective and illogical as his scheme may have been in 
some points, it was thoroughly timely and practical. It 
saved Rome from going to pieces; it formed a working 
basis for unity and progress; it preserved Roman civiliza- 
tion for centuries and gave it the opportunity to expand to 
the ends of the earth. For these blessings, the results 
of which we enjoy, we are indebted to Augustus Caesar. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3, Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire, 44 b.c.-a.d. 800 Preliminary Survey (the 
imperial problem, the Principate, the Despotism, barbarian inva- 
sions, Charlemagne, grand divisions): (i) the world-empire under 
the principate — the new leaders — the Triumvirate — Philippi and 



374 World-Empire under the Principate 

Actium — Octavius in control — his plan — its effects (imperial 
organization, foreign policy, reform in social life, religion, litera- 
ture, art, Caisar-worship) — birth of Jesus — weaknesses in the 
new organization (moral corruption, administrative difficulties) 
— military losses — the succession and its problems — death and 
achievement of Augustus. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following famous: 
Agrippa, Antony, Livy, Varus, Maecenas, Vergil, Livia? 

2. What is meant by Princeps, Fiscus, Augustales, Ludi Secu- 
lares, Praetorian Cohort, Pontifex Maximus? 3. What is the 
date of the battle of Actium, of the death of Augustus, of the 
birth of Jesus? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What ideas of the divinity of man 
had appeared in the eastern world which resembled Caesar- 
worship? 2. Compare the differing conditions in which Vergil 
and Homer (§§ 104-112) lived as illustrating the differences 
in their poetry. 3. Compare the political position and ideas 
of Augustus with those of Alexander (§§ 240, 245, 255, 263, 
265, 266, 271). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. I. The 
Period of the Second Triumvirate. Morey, pp. 203-212; Shuck- 
burgh, ch. 46. 2. The Principate. Munro, pp. 143-148 (sources) ; 
Abbott, pp. 266-273; West, pp. 390-395; Myres, pp. 545-549; 
Wolfson, pp. 403-405; Seignobos, pp. 266-268; Merivale, ch. 51. 

3. The Provinces in the Scheme of Augustus. Morey, pp. 220- 
224; Abbott, pp. 283-285; Merivale, pp. 409-410; Myres, pp. 
553-555- 4. The Foreign Policy of Augustus. Myres, pp. 544- 
553; West, pp. 395-398; Abbott, p. 282. 5. The Character of 
Augustus. Botsford, p. 218; Morey, pp. 228-229; Horton, pp. 
316-318. 6. Roman Literature of the Augustan Age. Laing, 
pp. 198-386 (biographies and quotations); Mackail, pp. 91-168. 

The Sue- 440' Tiberius succeeded his stepfather without oppo- 

cessors of gition. He v^^as the first of four members of the house of 

Augustus — 

the Julian Caesar to occupy the position of Princeps. These were: 

Line. 

Tiberius (stepson of Augustus), a.d. 14-37. 
Gaius, sumamed Caligula (great grandson of Augustus and 
grandnephew of Tiberius), a.d. 37-41. 



Tiberius and Gains 375 

Claudius (uncle of Gaius and nephew of Tiberius), a.d. 41-54. 
Nero (nephew of Gaius and stepson of Claudius), a.d. 54-68. 

441. Tiberius had force of character and genuine abil- Tiberius. 

ity, but he came to his position when over fifty years of age, 
and the weight of administration hung heavy upon him. 
His originally sensitive temperament had been rendered 
gloomy and suspicious by bitter experience; now placed 
at the head of the state, he lapsed into injustice and cruelty 
when opposed by the senatorial nobihty. In his old age 
he fell under the influence of an unscrupulous favorite, 
Sejanus, the praetorian prefect (§ 428). Weary of his im- 
perial burden, he retired for repose to the island of Cap- 
reae, where he performed only the necessary duties of his 
position, leaving the conduct of affairs to Sejanus. The 
latter's outrageous acts finally brought about his down- 
fall ; his patron survived him but a few years, dying at the 
age of seventy-seven. Gaius, as a youth, was a universal Gaius. 
favorite. The soldiers on the frontier, among whom a 
part of his childhood was spent, idolized him.* His 
elevation to the principate, at twenty-four years of age, 
was followed by a series of acts which promised well. But 
hardly a year had passed when he entered upon a course 
of life unparalleled for extravagance and brutality. The 
riches which the frugal Tiberius had gathered were 
dissipated in costly games and wild vice. He heaped 
contempt on the institutions and representatives of the 
republic. He made his horse consul. He demanded 
worship as a god. It is charity to assume that a sudden 
illness which fell upon him early in his career had left him 

* They called him Caligula, "little boots," because of the soldier's 
boots which he wore while among them as a child. 



376 World-Empire under the Principate 

a madman. A conspiracy in his palace brought him to 
his death, and Rome drew a long breath of relief. Up to 

Claudius, the time of his becoming princeps, Claudius was known 
as a timid, incapable pedant. Thrust into this high 
position at the age of fifty-one, he showed surprisingly 
excellent administrative qualities. He still pursued his 
antiquarian researches, made tedious speeches and wrote 
tiresome books. But he had good advisers and able 
generals, and the Empire prospered under him. His 
weakness of temper made him as he grew older a prey to 
designing women and intriguing servants. It was whis- 
pered that he died by poisoning. All men hoped the best 

Nero. things from Nero, who followed him. He was fond of 

art and literature and had imbibed a taste of wisdom from 
his tutor Seneca, the philosopher. The latter, with Bur- 
rus, the praetorian prefect, guided the first activities of the 
new ruler, who was a mere youth, seventeen years old. 
His mother, a capable, imperious woman, had a strong 
influence over him. But the quartette fell out one with 
another. Nero was encouraged to emancipate himself 
from his mother's authority, and plunged into wild ex- 
cesses, while his able ministers conducted public affairs 
successfully. But soon his frivolous, brutal temper, thus 
roused, played havoc on every side. His mother was 
murdered. Seneca was condemned and committed sui- 
cide. Nero gave himself loose rein. He posed as a poet 
and public singer. Extravagant revels and unending shows 
wasted the imperial treasures; abominable vices and un- 
speakable cruelties disgraced the court. So low had he 
fallen in public esteem that a frightful conflagration, which 
destroyed the greater part of Rome, was laid at his door. 
Patience was at last exhausted, the legions in the prov- 



Gi'owiJig Power of the Princeps 377 

inces rebelled, and Nero fled, to die at length by his own 
hand. His last words were: "That such an artist as I 
should perish!" 

442. During these years the position of the Princeps The 
changed. The balance in his favor over against the sen- ^'"'^'p^*^ 
ate was complete. His powers were, it is true, voted to Tyranny, 
him by the senate and people, but he had made sure of 

the position before election. Hereditary descent was 
recognized as giving a claim to it. The principate, there- 
fore, in theory and form constitutional, was, in fact, a 
tyranny. The possession of military power was decisive; 
the Princeps was first of all Imperator — and Emperor* 
we shall henceforth call him. The senate was little more 
than his tool. Its fear of him was intensified by his assum- 
ing the right to accuse anyone of treason; an accusation 
meant condemnation and was followed by immediate 
execution at the hands of the soldiery. By this means 
many of the leading men of Rome were put to death. Yet 
a section of the proud and independent nobility, though 
silenced, was not subdued. They knew their rights and 
steadily opposed the tyranny. The emperor, in turn, The 
knew that constitutionally he was dependent upon the J"os°^^oJj 
senate, and did not dare go so far as to destroy it and rule 
alone. As a result, he looked for support to the weapons 
of his praetorian guard. Such an ally was dangerous; it 
might in time become the master. 

443. The growth of the Princeps' power was an advan- Political 
tage to the Empire as a whole. His imperial administra- '■^^'■*^^- 
tion came to be better organized. The emperor's helpers improve- 
became officials. This was already true of his provincial mh"istra- ' 
officers; Claudius changed the servants of his household *'""■ 

♦ Emperor is only the English form of Imperator. 



378 World-Empire under the Principate 



Freedmen 
in Office. 



Prosperity. 



The 
Frontier. 



Annexa- 
tion of 
Britain. 



The 

Flavian 

Caesars. 



also into an official class. Every great noble had freed- 
men to manage his private affairs, write his correspond- 
ence and keep his accounts. But the emperor's accounts 
and correspondence were those of an Empire, and the men 
who attended to these became of great importance to the 
state. They were recognized as state officials and were 
organized for more efficient service. Under this improved 
public service the prosperity of the provinces advanced. 
The unifying of the Empire by a common government and 
by the spread of commerce and culture, went on rapidly. 
The personal character of the emperors and their doings 
at Rome, whether good or bad, did not affect the well- 
ordered system. Egypt, for example, was never so pros- 
perous as under Nero. The same progress is found in 
relation to the frontiers. In general the cautious policy 
of Augustus was followed (§ 429). MiUtary roads and 
fortifications strengthened the Rhine frontier. Claudius 
made a notable addition to the Empire by annexing Britain 
in 43 B.C. From that time the island, though not entirely 
subjugated, began to come under the direct influence of 
Roman civilization. The same ruler enlarged the Empire 
in Africa, where he formed two new provinces. Dependent 
kingdoms like Thrace and Judae were turned into prov- 
inces by him. At the close of this period there were twenty- 
five provinces under the control of the emperor. 

444. The revolt of the legions, before which Nero took his 
own life and thus left the principate vacant, was followed 
by a brief period of anarchy (a.d. 68-69), in which four 
generals, Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian, were pro- 
claimed imperators by their troops and each was recog- 
nized by the senate. In the struggle that followed, Ves- 
pasian came out victor. He and his two sons who followed 



The Flavian Ccesars 379 

him constitute the house of the Flavian Caesars. They 
reigned as follows: 

Vespasian, a.d. 69-79. 
Titus, a. d. 79-81. 
DoMiTiAN, A.D. 81-96. 

445. Vespasian was an experienced commander and vespasian. 
administrator. He was of humble origin, the son of a 
Sabine centurion and money-lender. He brought to the 
principate shrewd common-sense and practical ability, 
coupled with unpolished manners and provincial speech, 
which were a stock subject of ridicule with the Roman 
nobles. But he know how to rule wisely and well, joining 
firmness with justice and forbearance toward his enemies, 
and restoring the shattered finances of the state by such 
careful economies that he was thought stingy and sordid. 
He appreciated the dignity of his office and was worthy 
of it. When at the age of seventy years the pains of death 
came upon him, he struggled to his feet declaring that the 
emperor should die standing. The early life of his son 
Titus led men to expect in him a second Nero. They Titus, 
were happily disappointed. He, like his father, sought 
to live up to his high position; he abandoned his vices 
and boon companions. To his enemies he was splendidly 
gracious; to the people lavishly generous. He thought 
that day lost in which he had not given something away. 
'^ The darling of humanity " is the descriptive phrase of a 
later historian. The terrible eruption of Vesuvius, which 
destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum (a.d. 79), a dis- 
astrous fire at Rome, a wasting pestilence which devas- 
tated Italy, gave him unequalled opportunities for exer- 
cising his benevolence, and he was not found wanting. It 
has been questioned whether in time the vexatious prob- 



380 World-Empire under the Principate 



Domitian. 



Political 
Progress. 



Reorgan- 
ization of 
the Senate. 



The 
Succession. 



lems of imperial rule would not have changed him for the 
worse. As it was, after scarcely two years of power, he 
died, loved and mourned by all. His younger brother, 
Domitian, was a passionate, ambitious character who, 
held back by his father and brother during their Hfetime, 
was all the more eager to rule. People called him a " bald- 
headed Nero," but if, like that ruler, he was corrupt and 
vicious in his private life, as an administrator he was able 
and successful. In many respects he resembled Tiberius, 
whom he took as his model. His haughty air and lordly 
bearing made enemies for him among the nobility, and 
their renewed hostility turned him into a suspicious and 
cruel tyrant. He perished by the daggers of his attend- 
ants after a reign of fifteen years. 

446. Two important political changes date from the 
Flavian emperors, (i) They made much of the office of 
censor, by which they had large power over the senate. 
Domitian held it for Hfe. By virtue of this censorial 
authority Vespasian enlarged the senatorial order (§ 430), 
which had become thinned out by civil war and exe- 
cutions. He chose new senators from the most honor- 
able citizens throughout Italy and the Empire. Thus to 
the old nobility was added a new official aristocracy 
created by the emperor and friendly to him. (2) Ves- 
pasian met the problem of the succession by emphasiz- 
ing the hereditary right of his sons to follow him. He 
associated them with himself and designated them as his 
successors. In the same way Titus made Domitian a 
colleague. The name Caesar was taken as an imperial 
title, as though these emperors were descended from 
Augustus. The result of all these measures was to raise 
the dignity and mark the supremacy of the Princeps. 



PLATE XIX 




Spoils of the Jewish War 



RELIEF FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS IN ROME 



Foreign Affairs under the Flavians 381 

The senate had less and less importance; the people 
none. 

447. Apart from the reorganization of the finances of imperial 
the state and the restoration of order and peace by these 
emperors, three imperial tasks call for special mention, 
(i) The province of Judasa (§ 413) broke out in a fierce The 
rebellion in a.d. 66. Vespasian had been sent against judaea. 
the rebels, and it was while he was fighting there that his 
legions proclaimed him emperor. When he went to 
Rome, he left the conduct of the war to Titus. Among 
the Jews there were many who preferred Roman rule, 
but a body of violent fanatics gained the upper hand, 
destroyed the Roman garrison in Jerusalem and slaugh- 
tered right and left. Finally Titus shut up the rebels in Destruction 
Jerusalem. For five awful months the Romans besieged J'em.*'^"^^" 
and assaulted the city, until at last the rebels held only the 
Temple hill. The whole was finally taken by assault 
and burned to the ground (a.d. 70). (2) The Empire 
was extended in the west and north of Britain. The le- Britain. 
gions were under the command of an able general, 
Agricola, who advanced into Scotland. His fleet also 
circumnavigated the island. (3) On the German frontier Germany. 
Rome advanced across the upper Rhine and a fortified 
wall more than a hundred miles in length was begun, to 
connect the upper waters of the Rhine and the Danube. 
Behind this rampart lay a strip of land called the Agri 
DecumateSy which was thus added to the Empire. It was 
in no sense a change in the defensive policy of Augustus, 
but a measure of protection for Roman colonists and a 
stronger means of defence against the Germans. 



382 World-Empire under the Principate 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World -Empire. 

■ (i) The world-empire under the principate — the Julian line — per- 
sonality and history — administration of these Cffisars (tyranny and 
opposition; organization of officials) — foreign politics — anarchy — 
the Flavian Caesars — personality and history — poHtical advance (the 
senate, the succession) — foreign politics (Judaea, Britain, Germany). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the emperors of this century 
in chronological order. 2. What is meant by Agri Decumates, 
praetorian prefect, the title Caesar? 3. For what are the fol- 
lowing famous: Seneca, Sejanus, Jerusalem, Pompeii, Agricola? 
What is the date of the annexation of Britain, of the fall of 
Jerusalem ? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the policy of the Flavian 
Caesars regarding the problem of the Succession with that of 
Augustus. 2. As far as good government goes, how does the 
first century a.d. of Roman rule compare with the first cen- 
tury B.C.? 3. What was the difference between the demands 
made upon an emperor by the City of Rome and by the Prov- 
inces? Could they be reconciled? 4. "I wish that the Roman 
people had but one neck, that I might strike it off with one 
blow." *'I wish to govern the state not as my property but 
that of my people." Show how both these sayings are char- 
acteristic of a Roman emperor. 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Problem of Tiberius. Munro, pp. 149-152 (source); Merivale, 
pp. 430-436; Abbott, pp. 288-289; Bury, pp. 189-195, 209-213. 

2. Life and Character of Sejanus. Merivale, pp. 438-442. 

3. Internal Politics under the Julian Caesars. Abbott, ch. 13. 

4. Imperial Politics under the Julian Caesars. Morey, ch. 24; 
Merivale, pp. 430-478; Bury, pp. 166-187, 206-209, 238-245, 
258-270, 305-321. 5. The Burning of Rome under Nero. 
Laing, pp. 424-431 (source) ; Bury, pp. 285-288. 6. The Flavian 
Caesars— Their Personality and Achievement. Merivale, pp. 



Society in the First Century A,D, 383 

501-513; Abbott, ch. 14; Bury, ch. 21. 7. The Jewish War. 
Merivale, pp. 495-500; Bury, pp. 366-373. 8. The Destruction 
of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Laing, pp. 455-460 (source). 

448. The century of imperial Rome closing with the social 
death of Domitian presents a brilliant and instructive ^'^°^"^^- 
picture, when viewed from the side of social life. In 
studying it, we must observe, however, that our informa- a warning 
tion comes chiefly from the capital. Rome was the centre 

of literature, and its life is reflected in the writings which 
have come down to us. Italy and the provinces contrib- 
uted but little to the picture, and what little comes from 
them reveals, in many respects, a notable difference in 
the purity and simplicity of their life and manners from 
those that prevailed in the great city. 

449. In social classes and their relations the old Roman social 
distinctions (§ 430), emphasiz-ed by Augustus, grew more ^'^^^®^- 
rigid. At the summit stood the Princeps and the senatorial 
order. The rulers that followed Augustus imitated him 

in the formal rejection of special titles and in not encour- 
aging an elaborate court etiquette. Yet little by little, 
with increasing powers, they assumed greater state. A The court, 
court grew up; the "friends" of the emperor paid him 
formal visits every day; his house became a palace,* and 
was filled with servants and courtiers. A similar stateli- 
ness appears in the households of the senatorial nobility, senators. 
Immensely rich and standing next to the emperor, they 
kept up splendid estabhshments. A curious feature is 
the system of clients. The old Roman client (§ 316) be- The 
came a mere courtier and parasite. Every morning he 
visited his noble patron to pay his respects. If a poet, he 

* Our word "palace" comes from Palatium, the Palatine Hill, where 
the emperor dwelt. 



384 World-Empire under the Principate 

recited his verses; if a wit, he amused the great man by 
jests; if a common man, he followed in his train when the 
senator went out on the street. For these services all ex- 
pected rewards, food or money or patronage of some sort. 

Knights. Beneath the senatorial was the equestrian order (knights), 
whose members were immersed in business or official 

Lower dutics. They, too, were men of great wealth. Next came 
the mass of ordinary citizens, divided into a middle class, 
doubtless respectable and well-to-do, but of whom we 
know little, and the lowest classes, who were restless and 
wretchedly poor, dependent on state doles for food and 
on the public shows for amusement. Then there were 
the freedmen, who were often wealthy and influential by 
reason of their positions as confidential servants in the 
great houses, or because of their business activities. The 
various foreigners from the provinces formed another 
body, a crowd of Egyptians, Syrians, Jews and others, 
who had sought the capital for the opportunities afforded 
by it of making an easy living. Beneath all was the enor- 
mous body of slaves who performed all sorts of tasks in 
the household, the manufactories and the mines, on the 
streets and the farms. A Roman house could not be 
managed without slaves. In the great mansions they 

) performed all sorts of services for the members of the 

household. Their duties were carefully specialized; be- 
sides a slave to keep the door, or a slave to call the name of 
the guest, the noble had a special slave to put on his san- 
dals and a special slave to fold his clothes. 

occupa- 450. In considering the occupations of the period we 

observe that some activities which hitherto were thought 
unworthy have risen into favor. Such were teaching and 
medicine. Citizens became wealthy and distinguished 



Roman House of this Age 385 

as physicians. An income of $10,000 a year was obtained 
by one famous specialist. Other Romans trained them- 
selves as teachers of rhetoric and philosophy and gained 
large fees. We hear of successful booksellers. The law be- 
came a most important profession. The immense extension 
of Roman business and political interests gave a rich field 
for the lawyer. To win his case he must be a good speaker, 
and Roman legal oratory was famous the world over. 

The increase of Roman wealth and the expansion of the Art of 
Roman horizon resulted in the improvement of the Art ^'^*°^- 
of Living. This is seen in studying {a) the house, {h) food 
and dress, (c) the amusements of Rome. 

451. The simple one-room house of old Rome (§ 348) The House, 
had grown into an extensive and magnificent mansion. 
The improvements of the later day (§ 385) were carried 
further. The height of splendor was reached in the fa- 
mous palace of Nero, the "Golden House," ''the most 
stupendous dwelling-place ever built for mortal man." 
Country-houses were of great size and marvellously 
adorned. Ivory, marble, gems and gold were lavishly 
employed for decoration. Even a provincial town like 
Pompeii could boast elegant private mansions. There 
the house of Pansa occupied an entire square. It had 
more than sixty rooms on the ground floor, of which half, 
being on the street and separate from the interior, were 
rented for shops. Back of the peristyle (§ 385) were five 
great rooms opening on a long veranda which faced a 
garden covering a space one-third as large as the house. 
The most remarkable ornamentation in houses of this 
age was the mosaic and fresco work. Statues, paintings 
and bric-k-brac abounded; the furniture was highly or- 
namental and costly. 



386 World-Empire under the Princijmte 

Dress. 452. Little change is seen in Roman dress except in the 

costhness of the materials. The lacerna, or cloak, was 
often worn in addition to the toga. Garments of silk 
and linen began to appear. Extravagant display of jew- 
els, a weakness of Roman women (§ 348), is characteristic. 
The popular gem was the pearl; strings of pearls of great 
size and purity were highly prized. Caligula's wife had 
a set of pearls and emeralds valued at nearly $2,000,000. 
Food. The growing refinement of taste in food and the lavish 

extravagance at banquets, already referred to (§ 385), 
reached a great height. Rare and costly dainties were 
sought from the ends of the earth; dinners of twenty 
courses were given. Gluttony became an art and the 
Roman nobles were unrivalled masters in it. This wan- 
ton extravagance, however, testifies to a greater variety 
of food and a finer taste among all classes of society. Three 
courses, consisting of kid or chicken with eggs and as- 
paragus and fruit, was probably an ordinary bill of fare 
for a dinner among well-to-do people and indicated a vari- 
ety and refinement in eating of which old Rome knew 
nothing. 
Amuse- 453. In a society of luxurious wealth and idle poverty 

™^" ^' amusements are a necessity, and the Romans never plunged 
Holidays. SO deeply into them as at this time. The number of holi- 
days grew; there were eighty-seven in a year under 
Tiberius. Two favorite holiday seasons were the Satur- 
nalia^ beginning December 17, and New Year's Day. The 
former was a season of riotous fun, when the ordinary con- 
ditions of life were reversed. Slaves could do as they liked ; 
crowds thronged the streets, laughing and feasting. New 
Year's Day was an official and religious holiday. Visits 
were exchanged among friends. The emperor received 




The City of 

KOME 

under the Empire. 



Scale of Feet. 



/ \pt*^ 




Gardens of 
Maecenas 



Baths 

Fora and Porticoes 

Circuses, Theatres etc 

Temples 

Imperial Palaces 

Aqueducts 



^>> 



Baths of Diocletian. 

Baths of Constantine. 

Baths of Titus. 

Baths of Caraealla. 

Baths of Agrippa. 

Baths of Nero. 

Colisseum. 

Ciicus Maximus. 

Circus Flaminius.. 

Tiieatre of Marcellus. 

Theatre of Balbus. 

Stadium of Domitiaii. 

Odeum of Domitian. 

Circus. 

Amphitheatre Castrense. 

House of Gaius. 

House of Tiberius. 

House of Augustus. 

House of Domitian. 

Pompey's Portico. 

Forum of Trajan. 

Forum of Augustus. 

Forum, of Vespasian. 

The Forum. 

Portico of Philippi. 

Portico of Octavian. 

House of Vectilian. 

Temple of Venus and Rome. 

Temple of Jupiter 

Emporium. 

Mausoleum of Hadrian. 

Citadel 



Gladiatorial Shows and the Circus 387 

the people in state. At both seasons gifts were made. All 
classes of the people were accustomed to give something 
to the emperor, and in return he made a splendid festival 
or reared statues and temples. But the chief centres of 
amusement remained, now as before, the Amphitheatre, 
the Circus and the Theatre. The splendor of the shows 
and the races almost surpasses description, while the build- 
ings in which they were held were of extraordinary num- 
ber and size. Of amphitheatres the greatest was the TheAmphi- 
Colisseum at Rome, built by the Flavian emperors. It 
covered nearly six acres and accommodated 80,000 spec- 
tators. Here were held the gladiatorial contests (§ 386), 
which had now become a favorite spectacle. More elab- 
orate methods of fighting were introduced. The whole 
system occupied a recognized place in Roman life. All 
sorts of contests were held. Wild beasts were imported to 
fight with each other or with men. The arena was flooded 
and naval battles were fought. The shows were adver- 
tised, and the entire population of Rome, from emperor 
to slave, attended and enjoyed the scenes of blood. In 
the Circus the races were almost equally popular. Here The circus. 
organization increased the interest; rival establishments 
were distinguished by their colors, the red, the white, the 
green, the blue. The populace, and even the emperors, 
took sides and great sums were wagered. Successful 
charioteers, although slaves or freedmen, and without 
social rank, became popular idols and gained immense 
wealth. An inscription in honor of one, Crescens, who 
died at twenty-two, tells us that he won forty-seven races 
and received $78,000. The Circus Maximus was en- 
larged to accommodate the crowds that flocked to these 
races until it held 400,000 persons. The theatrical exhi- 



388 World-Eminre under the Principate 



The 
Theatre. 



bitions were of a low order; pantomime was the favorite 
form of acting, and the crowds that attended were amused 
by vulgar jests and debasing scenes. Another form of 

The Bath, amuscment must be mentioned — the Bath. Public bath- 
ing-houses, established at an earlier day (§ 385), became 
numerous and splendid. People bathed for pleasure 
several times a day. Bathers, for a fee of less than one 
penny, had entrance to what was practically a luxurious 
club-house. In connection with the bath proper were 
bowUng-alleys and a gymnasium. Colonnades and rest- 
ing and lounging rooms adorned with pictures, a res- 
taurant, shops and a Hbrary completed the outfit of a 
first-class bathing estabUshment at Rome. Even a 
daily paper, published by the government, containing 
news of the city and official announcements, was at the 
service of curious and idle readers. 

454. The Romans carried with them these forms of 
pleasure all over the world. In Africa, on the Danube 
and in the borders of the Eastern desert the ruins of am- 
phitheatres and baths may be seen to-day in the cities 
where the Romans ruled. In Pompeii, which was a 
small ItaUan town, there were three bathing estabHsh- 
ments, two theatres, seating respectively 1,500 and 5,000 
people, and an amphitheatre with a capacity of 20,000 
persons. When we remember that these admirably built 
and decorated structures were for the use and enjoyment 
of the people at large, we may realize the place and in- 
fluence of these amusements in the life of the Roman 
world. 

Art- 455' Turning to the higher life of the century we ob- 

serve first the art and literature. At no previous period 
in human history were these so widely diffused. Cities 



Amuse- 
ments 
Outside 
Rome. 



Sculpture and Architecture 389 

had their hbraries and their fine pubHc buildings adorned 
with statues of the emperors and other distinguished men 
of the past and present. The private houses, if we may 
judge from those of Pompeii, were beautified with mo- 
saics and wall-paintings; artistic objects, large and small, 
abounded. Rich men were patrons of artists and writ- 
ers, and could criticise their productions with taste and 
judgment. A marvellous number of good works of art 
have come down to us from these times. Yet nowhere 
is there evidence of originaUty or genius. The artists are 
imitators or copyists of the past. Yet the Roman por- Portrait 
trait statues are notable artistic successes. It was char- 
acteristic of the Roman to wish to preserve portraits of 
his ancestors (§ 351) and the noble art of sculpture gave 
him the opportunity to make these portraits enduring in 
marble and bronze. While seeking to portray his sub- 
jects to the Hfe, the artist seems sometimes to have per- 
mitted himself to ideahze them; a portion of the Greek 
grace and charm has been joined with the Roman vigor 
and hteralness. The long series of the statues or busts 
of the emperors is the supreme illustration of this art. In Archi- 
the achievements of architecture and engmeermg the Ro- 
man shows his power. The massive buildings, the enduring 
roads, the extensive and graceful aqueducts, the ruins of 
which remain in all the lands that acknowledged the im- 
perial sway, these are the witnesses of that practical genius 
so truly characteristic of the Roman. That genius reached 
its height under the Empire in such buildings as the Coh- 
seum, the palaces of the Caesars and the aqueducts of 

Rome. 

456. The literature of the time, like the art, was widely Literature 
distributed and highly finished, but it was not genuine 



390 World-Empire under the Principate 



Under the 

Julian 

Caesars. 



Seneca. 



Petronius. 



Under the 

Flavian 

Caesars. 

Statins. 



and powerful. Following the Augustan writers (§431) 
came a variety of authors of whom only a few strike high. 
It is remarkable, also, that they hail mostly from the 
provinces. To the period of the Julian Csesars belongs 
Seneca, the minister of Nero, as its chief literary star, 

THE TVOTILD 

According to 
Ptolciny 150 A.T>. 




(a.d. 4-65). He wrote essays and letters on morals in 
the spirit of the Stoic philosophy and in an ornate rhetori- 
cal style which is always clear and strong and sometimes 
eloquent. His tragedies, while attaining some fame, are 
less significant works. Another courtier of Nero, who 
was also a writer, was Petronius, who has the distinction 
in hterary history of having written the first novel. The 
fragments of it which have been preserved are witty and 
reahstic. One of its characters, Trimalchio, a rich fool, 
has been the original of many similar personages in fiction. 
A richer literary life opens under the Flavian Caesars — 
a period which, in comparison with that of Augustus, has 
been called the Silver Age. Its chief poet was Statins 
(about A.D. 45-96), whose epic poem, the ThebaiSy cen- 



Literature in the Silver Age 391 

tring about the mythical wars of Thebes, falls just short 
of greatness. Martial (43-101 a.d.) wrote Epigrams, Martial, 
short stanzas, witty, stinging or complimentary, as de- 
sired by the patrons to whom he paid court. They pre- 
sent a vivid picture of Roman life in his day. Pliny, the Piiny 
elder of the name, was the great scholar of the time (23- ^j^g^^ 
79 A.D.). He was an imperial official who, in the course 
of his duties, gathered a mass of information which he 
condensed into the most important of his works that has 
been preserved, the Natural History. He was a diligent 
student and careful observer. While his conclusions are 
valuable only as illustrating the ideas of his time, the 
facts he gathered are of the greatest interest to all later 
students of the geography and history of the Empire. 
Another learned prose writer was Quintilian, a distin- Ouintiiian. 
guished teacher of rhetoric. He gathered the results of 
his observation and study in a notable work on the Art 
and Science 0} Rhetoric, which formed for centuries the 
standard treatise on the subject. Two subjects treated 
in it still have living interest, a criticism of the great Ro- 
man writers of the past and a theory of how children should 
be educated. Such a work covered in reality the whole 
subject of education, since the method and subjects of 
that discipline were based upon what the ancients called 
rhetoric. To become a good speaker and writer, to argue 
your cause skilfully, or to express your thoughts with 
elegance and force — this was the end of education. 

457. When looked at from the point of view of its moral Morals, 
and religious life, this century shows strange contradic- 
tions. It seems impossible to believe that a world which contra- 
ran after amusements such as the brutal gladiatorial shows, 
or was wedded to such luxury and extravagance as we have 



392 World-Empire under the Principate 



The Dark 
Side. 



The 

Brighter 

Side. 



Moral 
Philosophy. 



described, could be moved by serious things. Other sides 
of life disclose like dark pictures. The mad thirst for 
money led to all sorts of wickedness. The legacy-hunter 
who paid court to rich old bachelors in order to be re- 
membered in their wills was a recognized character in 
society. Others did not hesitate to forge wills or to 
remove by poisoning those who stood in the way of their 
inheritance. Marriage was now a mere civil contract and 
the wife retained control of her property. Common and 
easy as divorce had become, marriage was, nevertheless, re- 
garded as undesirable A man who married, some thought, 
was out of his sober senses. He would be much more 
sought after in society if he remained single. 

458. To offset this dark side, we need to remember 
that such scenes are found at Rome only and that they 
are characteristic of a society in which both the rich at 
the top and the poor at the bottom are idle — a perfectly 
unnatural state of things. In the provinces a healthy 
and sober life was the rule, and from them a stream of new 
strength was poured into the capital. Moreover, the worst 
phases of Roman Hfe appeared under the JuHan Caesars. 
In the time of the Flavians a much higher tone of morals 
is to be observed. In the first half of the century the 
Romans had gone crazy from excess of power and riches ; 
in the latter half they came back to reason. 

459. The popularity of philosophy in Rome throws a 
brighter gleam over these times. The moral system of 
the Stoics was the favorite. When we recall the princi- 
ples of that school (§ 293), we cannot fail to see how they 
would fall in with the practical bent of the Roman mind. 
For the old Roman notion of doing one's duty to the 
state and the gods, the Stoic only substituted a larger ob- 



Philosophy and Religion 393 

ligation to the world, to nature. Virtue came to be a fad, 
and devotion to virtue even unto death an exquisite de- 
light. Thus suicide was elevated into a sacred duty. The 
Stoic idea of the brotherhood of man had a softening in- 
fluence upon the harsh treatment of the slave. ** Treat 
slaves," says Seneca, "as inferiors in social rank to whom 
you stand in the position of protector." The education 
of the poor was encouraged by free schools, such as Ves- 
pasian founded, and many rich men gave donations for 
free education to their native towns. Humane feeHng 
was roused at the sight of suffering, weakness and help- 
lessness. The disasters and pestilences that afflicted 
parts of the Empire gave occasion for social help and 
sympathy. Even kindness to animals was approved. 
Seneca protests against the cruelty of the Amphitheatre. 
But his own actions illustrate the strange contradictions 
of his day. He preached virtue and encouraged Nero in 
vice. He commended poverty and was worth millions. 
Many rich men flung themselves with equal zeal into the 
pleasures of life and the instructions of virtue. They 
employed philosophers to teach them the way of right 
living and received their teachings with enthusiasm, but 
did not practise them. Yet, after all, the standards of 
morals and the ideals of life were sensibly lifted by the 
influence of philosophy. 

460. The first century of the Empire could hardly be ReUgion. 
said to be deeply religious. The vigorous attempt of 
Augustus to revive the old Roman faith resulted in little 
more than giving it an official and fo'rmal life. The c«sar- 
strongest rehgious feelings of the time gathered, no doubt, oevdoped. 
about the worship of the Caesars, which Augustus had 
permitted, though not encouraged (§ 433). It continued 



Cults. 



394 World-Emjnre under the Principate 

to meet a popular need for the expression of gratitude, 
awe and satisfaction felt by high and low alike in view of 
the grandeur and the beneficence of the imperial organiza- 
tion. Assemblies were organized in the provinces for 
the purpose of carrying on this worship and holding a 
religious festival in honor of the emperor. Officials were 
elected to superintend the affair, and participation in the 
worship was regarded not only as a privilege, but also as 

Eastern a sigu of proper loyalty to the state. Oriental faiths, pre- 
eminently that of Isis, the Egyptian goddess, continued 
to be popular with the lower classes, who found cheer and 
inspiration for their wretched lives in the emotional appeal 
of the noisy and startHng performances of such cults and 
in the promise of future happiness which they held out. 

Rise of 461. Among these new religions from the East one 

which began to make its way in the Roman world of this 
age requires special consideration. Jesus, whose birth 
in Judaea has already been mentioned (§ 434), began at 
the age of thirty to preach and teach in Palestine. He 
proclaimed himself the Messiah, or Christ, for whom the 
Jews were looking as a deliverer. But he taught a 
spiritual deliverance from sin as the highest good and 
would not lead a rebellion against Rome. The Jewish 
authorities denounced him before the Roman governor, 
Pilate, and he was crucified after having taught a httle 
more than two years (a.d. 29). But he left behind him a 
band of disciples who proclaimed that he had risen from 
the dead and thus had sealed the truth of his teaching. 
They, also, were 'bidden by him to preach the new doc- 
trine of salvation from sin through the risen Christ to all 
who would hear, with the assurance that he would soon 
return to earth to rule as supreme lord. Among those 



Christian 
ity 



I 



Spread of Christianity 395 

who were gained for the cause was a Jew named Paul. He PauL 
carried the name and doctrine of the Christ to non-Jews 
or Gentiles and gathered companies of believers in the 
cities of Asia Minor and Greece. These believers were 
first called Christians in Antioch. Soon assemblies, or 
churches, of Christians were founded in the west, at Rome 
and as far as Spain and Gaul. To many of these churches 
Paul wrote letters explaining the doctrines of Christ as he 
understood them. Soon narratives of the life and work 
of Jesus were written down and sent about among the 
churches. Thus a book of Christian writings was begun, The New 
the book we call the New Testament. The organization "^^^t^^^^"*- 
of these churches was very simple at first. Each church organiza- 
was a unit, its members managing its affairs and choosing 
officers to lead — deacons to minister to the poor, elders * 
to preside at its assemblies. Admission to the circle was 
conditioned on confession of faith in Christ as Saviour and 
submission to the rite of baptism. At stated seasons the 
members met and partook of bread and wine in obedience 
to the command of Jesus at his Last Supper with his dis- 
ciples. 

462. The new brotherhood soon came under the notice Opposition 
of the imperial authorities. Its secret meetings and cere- t°anity!^" 
monies were suspected of evil designs, and the behef of its 
members in one God brought them into opposition to the 
worship of the emperors. The first action against them 
was taken by Nero, who laid upon them the charge of 
setting fire to Rome, and put many to death. They were 
accused of evil practices and systematically punished. 
Gradually the refusal of the Christians to join in the ♦ 

* These elders appear under two names, both Greek, presbyter, or 
priest, and episcopos, or bishop. 



tion 



396 World-Empire under the Principate 

worship of the emperors came to be the chief ground of 
their punishment. They were regarded as disloyal to 
the Empire and punished as traitors. Thus Domitian 

Persecu- is Said to havc persecuted them cruelly on this account. 
The Empire, therefore, at the end of the first century re- 
garded all Christians as worthy of death. In spite of this, 
the new rehgion spread widely, especially in Asia Minor, 
Greece and Egypt. The city of Rome possessed a flour- 
ishing church, and its adherents were found even in the 
imperial court. The pure morals, the brotherly love, 
the joyful spirit and the hopeful confidence of the mem- 
bers of this faith commended it to those everywhere who 
by reason of poverty or sinfulness or scepticism sought 
light, strength and peace — and many such there were in 
the Roman world. All who joined it looked forward to 
the speedy return of Christ to earth; they cared nothing 

How Far for socicty and the state; they would not join in heathen 
worship; they doubted whether it was right to serve in 
the army. By this separateness they were laying up for 
themselves hatred and contempt on the part of the people 
and the Empire. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire [Augustus, the Julian and Flavian Caesars]: 
social life (class distinctions, the court and the orders) — occupa- 
tions — art of living (house, dress, food) — amusements (holidays, 
amphitheatre, circus, theatre, bath, their world-wide extension) 
— art and architecture — literature — moral and religious life (dark 
and bright sides, philosophy, imperial religion) — Christianity (its 
origin, Jesus, Paul, organization, opposed by the imperial author- 
ities, attitude of its adherents). 



Justified. 



Emperors of the Second Century 397 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. For what are the following signifi- 
cant: Seneca, Paul, Crescens, Pliny the Elder, Isis, Martial? 

2. What is meant by messiah, imperial client, Saturnalia, 
Gentiles, legacy-hunter, Stoicism, New Testament? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare the Stoicism of Rome 
with the Stoicism of Greece (§ 293). 2. Why was the craze 
for amusements in Rome so much greater than in Athens? 

3. "As many slaves, so many enemies." How does this say- 
ing reveal Roman character ? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. Social 
Life at Rome in the First Century. Morey, ch. 25; Wolfson, 
ch. 34; Botsford, ch. 15; Bury, ch. 31. 2. Roman Amuse- 
ments. Munro, pp. 207-216 (sources); Bury, pp. 607-626; 
Thomas, ch. 4; Wilkins, ch. 3; Johnston, ch. 9. 3. Educa- 
tion of the Time. Munro, pp. 193-197 (sources); Bury, pp. 
598-600. 4. Literature of the Silver Age. Botsford, pp. 239- 
242; Bury, pp. 457-475; Mackail, pp. 171-204. 5. The Rise 
of Christianity. Seignobos, pp. 362-366; Wolfson, pp. 447- 
451; West, pp. 423-428; Botsford, pp. 262-264, 281-282; 
Gbbion, pp. 109-111. 



463. Domitian was followed by a series of rulers equal The 

in character and achievement to Tiberius and Vespasian. o™h7°'^^ 

In the century of their leadership the Empire reached its second 
climax. Their names are as follows : 

Nerva, a.d. 96-98. 

Trajan (adopted son of Nerva), a.d. 98-117. 

Hadrian (relative and adopted son of Trajan), a.d. 117-138. 

Antoninus (adopted son of Hadrian), a.d. 138-161. 

Marcus Aurelius (adopted son of Antoninus), a.d. 161-180. 

Commodus (son of Aurelius), a.d. 180-192. 

464. On the death of Domitian the senate chose as Nerva, 
Princeps, Nerva, a senator of more than sixty years. An 
aged, kindly ruler, his chief service to the state during his 



398 World-Empire under the Principate 

Trajan. short rcigii was the selection of Trajan as his successor. 
Trajan was a Spaniard by birth and an able general. As 
Princeps, he showed himself equally vigorous in the 
management of the Empire. He was a tall, strong, hand- 
some man, of genial manners, not highly cultured, but with 
a broad and active mind. He selected his officials wisely 
and won their respect, yet kept careful watch upon their 
doings and required minute reports from them. During 
long periods he was occupied on the various frontiers with 
military campaigns. In them he gained brilliant victories 
and enlarged the Empire. In this respect he struck out 
a new path. He died in Asia Minor while returning 

Hadrian. from a victorious war in the east. Hadrian, his successor, 
is a most interesting character. A tried soldier, he proved 
himself also a practical administrator. But his most 
striking trait was his wide interest in all the affairs of 
politics and life. He was well educated and dabbled in 
literature, art and philosophy. He travelled into every 
nook and corner of his wide domains. He was not at- 
tracted by military glory. A peaceful reign, with the 
opportunity it gave him for consolidating and improving 
the state and for following out the bent of his eager in- 
quiring spirit, was his ambition. He was the first emperor 
to wear a beard, and his love of letters gave him the nick- 
name of "Greekling." He had no capacity for personal 
friendship; men respected, but did not love him. The 
Roman world was his pride and joy; he left it happier and 
stronger than it had ever been before. In the hour of 
death he composed the famous poetic address to his 
soul, two lines of which are characteristic of the man : 

Whither wilt thou hie away, 
Never to play again, never to play. 



The Antonines 399 

465. A senator of Gallic descent, Antoninus, became Antoninus 
his successor at the age of fifty-two. From his name, he 
and his two successors are called the Antonines. He was 
a quiet, frugal ruler, without striking qualities, yet sus- 
taining with dignity and honor the duties of his position. 
So economical was he in the finances of the Empire that he 
was called the " cheese-parer." His devotion to religion 
was particularly marked. From this trait he received 
the name Pius, ''devout." In this respect he prepared 
the way for Marcus Aurelius, the most extraordinary Marcus 
man who occupied the imperial throne. From his youth 
Marcus had been a student of moral philosophy of the Stoic 
type (§ 293), and in his exalted station he sought only to 
carry out his high ideals. Much of the activity of an em- 
peror was distasteful to him, but he was proud that every- 
where he did his duty as a philosopher should. He sought 
to carry into practice the sentiments of love for mankind 
which he cherished. Severe toward himself, he disdained 
luxury and preferred hardship in spite of the fact that he 
was always in poor health. Though he loved peace and 
desired to relieve suffering, his reign was darkened by a 
series of disastrous wars and a terrible pestilence. His 
family life was not pleasant, perhaps through his own 
fault. His son was unworthy of him. His sole joys were 
found in the circle of his fellow philosophers and in his 
own lofty meditations. He died at the age of sixty, while 
campaigning against barbarian invaders on the Danube. 
His worthless son, Commodus, followed him at the age commodus 
of nineteen and brought the happy age of the Antonines 
to a sorry end. Cruel and depraved in tastes, weak and 
vain in disposition, he preferred games to government. 
His highest glory was to win in the gladiatorial contests 




THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD 

with the boundaries of 
THE R03IAN EMPIRE 

at its greatest extent. 

1()0 200 300 400 ■'iO O 

Scale of Miles. 



Reference to Colors. 

over 9,000 feet 
3.000 Id 9,000 I'cet 
CiOO to 3.000 Coot 

So.i LoNol I.. COO feet 



lO' Lnii.-itude Kast from 



Dacian and Eastern Wars 401 

proceeded to deal with a formidable danger that had arisen 
on the Danube. Here just across the river the Dacians had conquest 
established a kingdom under an able ruler, Decebalus. 
He had already been able to make terms with Domitian, 
and his strength menaced the security of the Roman fron- 
tier. Trajan determined to crush him. Two campaigns 
were necessary, each taking two years (a.d. 101-102; 105- 
106). The struggle was fierce and desperate. Only on 
the death of Decebalus in battle did Dacia submit and 
become a Roman province. The splendid victory is 
commemorated in the Column of Trajan raised at Rome 
to the height of a hundred feet and decorated with sculpt- 
ured scenes of the war. In the east the question of the The 
relation of Armenia to the Empire was reopened; Trajan Question, 
determined to take issue with Parthia and settle it. He 
took the field in a.d. 115, overcame Armenia, advanced 
southward into Mesopotamia, and did not stop till he 
reached the Persian gulf. The Roman arms were su- 
preme in the seats of the oldest civilization. Three new 
provinces were created, Armenia, Mesopotamia and 
Assyria; the Parthian king received his crown from the 
hand of the Roman emperor. x\lready the province 
of Arabia had been created. Thus the entire Oriental 
world was under the authority of Rome. What would 
have been the verdict of time on these eastern conquests 
we cannot know, for hardly had Hadrian come to the Hadrian's 
throne when he voluntarily withdrew his troops, abandoned pl^^^^ °' 
the provinces of Mesopotamia and Assyria and restored 
Armenia to its position as a dependent kingdom. It 
seems likely that Rome would not have been able to main- 
tain them permanently against Parthia, however important 
they were to the protection of the older Roman provinces 



402 World-Empire under the Principate 



Appearance 
of Bar- 
barians. 



Its Sig- 
nificance. 



Organiza- 
tion. 



Adminis- 
trative 
Activity. 



Its Good 
and Bad 
Sides. 



in the east. (2) The other epoch was a much less brilUant 
one. In the reign of Marcus Aurelius Teutonic peoples 
began pressing down to the Danube and seeking peaceably 
or by force to enter the Empire. Chief among these were 
the Marcomanni, and in the endeavor to drive them back, 
Marcus Aurelius was involved in a series of fierce con- 
flicts. The invaders were finally overcome and driven 
across the Danube. The importance of the struggle lies 
in the fact that it was the pressure from behind that forced 
these barbarians into the Empire, the beginnings of those 
movements which in the coming centuries were to break 
it in pieces. 

469. The changes in internal organization were all in 
the direction of more unity under the imperial adminis- 
tration. The emperor and his ofiicials were everywhere 
active. Hadrian is the great example of this. His visits 
to the provinces, which covered a dozen years, were not 
for pleasure, but for the purpose of inspecting their re- 
sources and organization. As a result of them, a more 
careful and minute supervision of the details of adminis- 
tration was introduced. Imperial officials were appointed 
to look after the affairs of the municipalities which were 
thus taken up directly into the structure of the Empire. 
Hadrian built many fine buildings for these cities and 
brought their finances into order. The chief benefit 
of such measures was that they consolidated the powers 
of the state and its interests, bringing all under the 
guidance of a central authority, produced greater effi- 
ciency and stimulated the life of the members. On the 
whole, such imperial activity was a mistake, for it de- 
stroyed local independence and made the citizens look to 
the central government for help in everything. A wider 



Ufiity of the Empire 403 

extension of the franchise was natural in these circum- 
stances, but this was not followed by greater zeal for the 
state and a patriotic devotion to it. Citizenship was rather 
looked upon as a personal honor and prized because it 
gave special privileges. It soon became necessary to com- 
pel citizens to take office, and a highly prized reward 
granted by the emperors was exemption from the duty of 
official service in the municipalities. In this imperial 
administration Italy began to stand on the same basis as 
the provinces, and Rome itself was treated like any other 
municipality. The use of barbarians in the legions still 
further relieved the citizens from military service. Like- 
wise the extension of imperial courts of justice through- 
out the Roman world and the supremacy of Roman im- 
perial law which was characteristic of the time, while it 
was a bond of union, served as another means of making 
individuals and local communities dependent on the cen- 
tral government. Thus, we are standing at a critical mo- a critical 
ment in the history of the Roman world. On the one ^°™®°*- 
hand, the magnificent imperial organization was never 
more complete, and the life of the various comm.unities 
absorbed into it was never more peaceful, prosperous 
and happy. On the other hand, beneath the surface 
dry rot was working, local vigor and individual patriotism 
were decaying. Should the central power decline, there 
was grave danger that the dependent parts would lack the 
strength to rally to its aid or to maintain themselves against 
outside pressure. 

470. Society breathed more freely under the emperors SodaiLife. 
of the second century, and as a result new life sprang up Art and 
on all sides. Trajan and Hadrian were mighty builders. ^*=^'*«'=*- 
The finest memorial of the former is his Column at Rome, 



404 World-Empire under the Principate 

already referred to (§ 468). Hadrian's two chief build- 
ings at Rome were the temple of Venus and Roma, the 
largest and most magnificent of all Roman temples, and 
a massive Mausoleum which he built on the other side of 
the Tiber, now known as the Castle of St. Angelo. Yet, 
most characteristic of the times was the stately villa of 
Hadrian at Tibur, conceived on a grand scale and filled 
with works of art; a theatre, libraries, temples, porches 
and gardens found place in it. From it have been taken 
statues, reliefs, mosaics and silver ornaments sufficient to 
stock several museums. 
The 471. Literature flourished under the liberal patronage 

Revivaf ^^ ^^^ cmpcrors and in the free atmosphere of the times. 
A striking sign of the unity in the world of letters under the 
Empire is the fact that as many works of lasting fame 
were written in Greek as in Latin. One of the greatest 
Tacitus. historians of antiquity, Cornehus Tacitus, belongs to this 
century. His chief works are the Histories and the An- 
nalSy which deal with the Empire under the Julian and 
Flavian Caesars. Unfortunately, large parts of these works 
have been lost, but what remains is our chief source of 
knowledge for the times. Tacitus aspired to bring back 
to Hfe and power just the ideas and institutions which the 
history of the Empire had shown to be fruitless and hope- 
less. He sought to exalt the senatorial nobility as over 
against the princeps, Rome and Italy as over against the 
provinces. But so keen is his insight into characters and 
manners at Rome, and so brilliant his way of expressing 
his estimates of them, that his bitter and one-sided judg- 
ments have colored all subsequent views of the times. 
Two lesser works of his are the Agricola, an appreciation 
of his father-in-law, the general of Domitian, and the Ger- 



Juvenal and Plutarch 405 

maniay a description of the Germans, in which their sim- 
pHcity and purity of Hfe are favorably compared with the 
depravity of imperial Rome. Side by side with Tacitus juvenai. 
stands Juvenal, the satirist of the Empire. What the 
former condemned as an historian, the latter held up to 
scorn and ridicule in his powerful verse. Hypocritical 
philosophers, parasitical clients, rich fools, ostentatious 
luxury, fortune-hunting and the trials of poor men of let- 
ters are painted in strong and vivid colors. 

472. Of Greek writers the most famous is Plutarch piutarch. 
(a.d. 46-120), who wrote the Parallel Lives j forty-six in 
number, setting the biography of a Roman hero over 
against that of a Greek. He was a diligent collector of 
anecdotes and used them shrewdly to show the traits of 

his characters. The book has ever been a storehouse of 
information and at the same time a hand-book of morals 
— history teaching by the examples of the greatest men 
of the ancient world. Not so well known, but a brighter, Ludan. 
keener mind than Plutarch, was Lucian (about a.d. 125- 
180). His career was typical of the time; he was a trav- 
elling lecturer. His peculiar gift revealed itself in the 
writing of witty and satirical dialogues. The weaknesses 
and inconsistencies of the religion of his day are daringly 
ridiculed in his Dialogues oj the Gods, while similar keen 
and amusing criticism is passed on various types of people 
of his day in the Dialogues oj the Dead. 

473. Two men may be chosen to represent the higher Represent- 
life of this century: Pliny the Younger and Marcus ^/^he *° 
Aurelius, the emperor. Pliny was a trusted official of Times. 
Trajan and reveals himself and his times in a series of Piinythe 

Younger. 

Letters to friends. In these he appears as a cultivated 
gentleman, such as might be met among us to-day. He 



406 World-Empire under the Principate 

takes long walks in the woods and delights in the beauty of 
nature. He discusses the latest books. With a modesty 
that approaches vanity, he tells of his gifts to his native 
town in behalf of education. He entertains his guests 
by taking them around the grounds of his villa and in- 
viting their admiration. He gives public readings from 
his works, and we feel him tremble as he gets on his 
legs before his cultured audience. A good-natured, in- 
dulgent master to his slaves, a devoted husband, an up- 
right, earnest, if somewhat commonplace, character, he 
exhibits the Roman gentleman produced by the broad, 
serious and refined culture of the early second century. 
Marcus 474. On a higher plane we meet with the impressive 

Em"er"^r ^^^ mekncholy figure of the emperor-philosopher, Marcus 
and Phi- AurcHus. From his youth he was a Stoic in word and 
deed. His Meditations, which he wrote down in Greek 
from time to time wherever he happened to be, in the camp 
or in the palace, reveal to us his thoughts. He aspired 
to be a perfect man and he thought it possible to attain 
his ideal by the old Stoic rule of following nature (§ 293). 
His philosophy was tempered by practical experience, and 
hence he insisted much on the duty of a true man to so- 
ciety. From his experience, perhaps, came also his sense 
of the need of divine help. He turned his thought into 
Hfe; this separates him from the professional philosopher 
and makes him interesting, for he passed his life on the 
throne. A sober and high-minded personahty, he did his 
duty in this high sphere and came near to practising what 
he preached. 
Religion. 475. Yet this emperor persecuted the Christians! Such 

are the contradictions of history. The growing popular 
hatred of the Christians is remarkable. We have already 



The Empire and the Christians 407 

suggested a reason (§ 462). As Tertullian, a Christian Persecution 
writer, said: ''If the Tiber rises, if the Nile does not rise, J^ans"^" 
if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, fam- 
ine, or pestilence, straightway the cry is, 'The Christians 
to the lions!' " The imperial authorities in some cases 
sought to stand against the mob and protect the Christians 
from unwarranted violence. Trajan wrote Pliny not to 
search out Christians for death, but only to deal with cases 
that were brought before him. Marcus Aurelius was more 
severe, and under his command Christians were hunted 
down and put to death. He regarded their refusal to join 
in the religion of the Empire as "mere obstinacy" and 
thought it a part of his duty to punish those who professed 
what Pliny called "a degrading and unreasonable super- 
stition." The Christians, in their turn, went willingly in 
great numbers to death, which they called "martyrdom," 
that is, "witnessing" to their faith. Yet they grew in Their 
numbers and in unity, impelled both by persecution from ^'■°^^®^'^ 
without and by the false doctrines that some within the 
fold were teaching. Among them appeared literary de- 
fenders, some of whom addressed to the emperors what 
are called Apologies^ or arguments in defence of Chris- 
tianity as a reasonable and worthy religion; others wrote 
books maintaining the true or "orthodox" doctrine against 
the false doctrine or "heresy." Thus out of the various 
churches all over the Empire was slowly forming the v 

Church, the one body of believers in Christ, standing 
over against the Empire and the heretics. It was soon 
to make its power felt in both directions. 



408 World-Empire under the Principate 



OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire. 

(i) The world-empire under the Principate [Julian line, Flavian 
line, life in the first century] — Emperors of the second century, 
names, personality and history — political progress (relation to 
senate, organization of court) — foreign relations (expansion and 
contraction, barbarian invasions) — imperial unification — too much 
government? — new social life (art, architecture, literature, great 
names) — persecution and progress of Christianity. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What is meant by mausoleum, heretic, 
Imperial Council, martyrdom, dyarchy, apology? 2. Name 
the emperors of this century in chronological order. 3. For 
what are the following famous: Hercules, Pliny the Younger, 
Decebalus, Tacitus, Plutarch? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. In what were Marcus Aurelius 
and Solomon alike? 2. Compare the Empire of Augustus 
in extent with the Empire of Trajan. 3. Compare Pliny 
the Younger with Cicero in ideals, activities and character. 
4. Why is Juvenal more a type of this period than of Athens 
in the fifth century? 5. What reasons maybe given for the 
famous saying of Gibbon quoted below? * 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 

Empire in the Second Century. Wolfson, pp. 422-429; Seigno- 
bos, ch. 22; Botsford, pp. 243-256; Morey, ch. 26; Merivale, 
PP- 513-542; Gibbon, ch. i. 2. The Inner Politics of the 
Empire. Abbott, ch. 15. 3. The Dacian Wars of Trajan. 
Bury, pp. 421-430. 4. Personality and Work of Hadrian. 
Merivale, pp. 524-529; Bury, ch. 26. 5. Marcus Aurelius. 
Merivale, pp. 538-539; Bury, ch. 28; Munro, pp. 176-178 
(source). 6. The Literature of the Second Century. Botsford, 

* "If a man were called upon to fix the period in the history of the 
world during which the condition of the human race was most happy 
and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed 
from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus." 



The Empire in the Third Century 409 

pp. 256-262; Bury, pp. 475-487. 7. Pliny and the Christians. 
Laing, pp. 468-471 (source); Munro, pp. 165-167 (source); 
Wolison, p. 451; Bury, pp. 445-448. 8. Tacitus the Historian. 
Mackail, pp. 205-220; Laing, pp. 399-424. 9. "As an em- 
peror I am a Roman, but as a man my city is the world." 
How does this saying reveal the spirit of the time? 



476. The cloud of dangers which hung on the horizon The Third 
of the second century rose rapidly and broke in fierce ^° ^^^' 
storms upon the third. In the east the troubles in the Par- 
thian kingdom, which had aided in the victorious advance 

of the Romans to the Persian gulf (§ 468), were over. A 
new dynasty, called the Sassanian, professing to be de- 
scended from the old Persians, united the warring fac- 
tions, founded a strong state and began at once to ad- 
vance westward against the Roman frontier. In the critical 
west the situation was yet more critical. The pressure Empire, 
from the north that had driven the Marcomanni across 
the Danube became well-nigh irresistible. New bar- 
barian tribes appeared. Alamanni and Franks crossed 
the Rhine and overspread Gaul and Spain. Goths 
swept over the Danube and raided the northeastern 
provinces, while their ships issued from the Black Sea to 
ravage the coasts of Asia Minor. At one time it seemed 
that under these assaults the Empire would be broken in 
pieces. 

477. The legions defending the frontiers had to meet these The Army 
attacks. iVble and active commanders were necessary. E^pe^ors! 
It was natural, therefore, that they should make them- 
selves felt in the government. There was no place for the 
senate to assert itself. The emperors of this period were 

made and unmade by the armies. The state was fighting 
for its life, its different sections defending themselves as 



410 World-Empire under the Principate 

far as possible from their particular enemies. Claimants 
for the throne sprang up wherever a successful general had 
imperial ambitions, and thus civil wslt at times added to 
the distress. The average length of the reigns of the 
emperors of the third century v;^as not more than four years. 
Yet it speaks much for the firm structure of the Empire 
that the ship of state went plunging on through the tem- 
pest, though sorely battered, that competent captains ap- 
peared to pilot it safely in trying situations, and that at last 
it weathered the storm. We select for our study those 
emperors who contributed to this outcome. 

478. The praetorians, after the death of Commodus, held 
the succession to the Empire in their hands. Having 
finally sold it to the highest bidder, they were met by the 
opposition of the three frontier armies on the Rhine, the 
Danube, and the Euphrates, who proclaimed their own 
commanders as emperors. In the civil war that followed, 

Septimius Septimius Severus, of an African family, general of the 
army on the Danube, secured the throne and ruled with 
vigor as the first military emperor (a.d. 193-2 ii). He 
reorganized the praetorians by substituting his own soldiers 
for the Italians and increasing their number to 50,000. 
He extended the Empire by recovering Mesopotamia, 
abandoned by Hadrian (§ 468). He ruled as a prac- 
tically absolute monarch, disregarding the prerogatives of 
the senate. By taking the name of Antoninus he sought 
to attach himself to the previous dynasty, while he ap- 
pointed his sons as his successors. The centraHzation 
and extension of the power of the Princeps were his mani- 
fest aims, the vigor and prosperity of his administration 
were evidences of his success. Yet the military basis of 

CaracaUa. his thronc was unsound and dangerous. His son Cara- 



The Military Emperors 411 

CALLA (a.d. 2 1 1-2 1 7) was a cruel and wasteful ruler who 
was murdered by the prefect of the guard. Two achieve- 
ments have made him famous: (i) the building of the 
"Baths of Caracalla" at Rome, a colossal and elegant 
series of public baths; (2) his edict bestowing citizenship 
upon all the freemen of the Empire (a.d. 212). This 
last act in the unification of the state was intended by him 
to bring a large number of people within the circle of im- 
perial taxation and service. Severus Alexander (a.d. severus 
222-235), ^ distant relative of the house of Septimius, was ^^^^*"'^®*"- 
no soldier. Indeed, his reign marks a reaction toward 
constitutional rule. Though young, he had an earnest and 
serious spirit and sought to conform his life to the highest 
models. An Oriental by birth and sentiment, he was 
deeply religious. In a sanctuary in his palace he placed 
statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollo and Jesus. But 
such a temper did not attract the legions. His campaigns 
were unsuccessful and he was slain by a mob of his own 
soldiers. 

479. Under the emperors of the house of Septimius Theim- 
Severus the importance of the jurists is notable. The ^j j^J^^g 
prefect of the praetorians had come to have charge of the »» the 
administration of justice under the emperor. He was, 
therefore, chiefly a great lawyer and only secondarily a 
military man. Under these emperors he became the 
chief minister and adviser of the crown. The glory of 
their reigns were the prefects Papinian and Ulpian. 
To them the emperor was the source of justice and law, 
the supreme authority. Thus they gave a new theory of 
the Roman constitution. They gathered the imperial 
judgments ("rescripts") and orders ("edicts"), brought 
them into harmony according to the highest ideals of 



412 World-Empire under the Principate 

the time, and prepared the way for a code of imperial 
law. 
other 480. The emperors that followed Alexander from A.D. 

0™^°'^^ 235-270 battled vahantly against enemies in east and 
Century. wcst. One, Decius, was slain in battle against the Goths; 
another. Valerian, was made prisoner by the Sassanian 
king. AuRELiAN (a.d. 270-275) had better success. He 
restored the unity of the Empire by overthrowing Queen 
Zenobia, who had set up an independent kingdom in the 
east with its capital at Palmyra, and Tetricus, the head 
of a similar kingdom in Gaul. The barbarians were 
beaten back, Rome was fortified and a splendid " triumph" 
was held in the city. He was compelled, however, to 
abandon Dacia to the invaders. Probus (a.d. 276-282) 
was equally successful against the barbarians. He thrust 
them back from the northern frontiers and restored the 
wall connecting the Rhine and Danube. He transplanted 
numbers of these tribes into the Empire as settlers and 
added many to his armies. This desperate measure was 
necessary to strengthen the waning vigor of the Roman 
military and civic body. Both he and Aurelian, however, 
were at last slain by their own soldiers while in the field. 
During these years of conflict with enemies without, the 
inner vigor of the Empire was weakened. The popu- 
lation was declining in numbers and wealth. The state 
was slowly crumbling and, unless some new force was 
gained or more efficient organization devised, its days 
were numbered. 
Social 481. In the storms of the third century the social and 

^*^®' economic life of the state suffered severely. The old 

Roman population was reduced by pestilence and war. 
Public spirit was weak. The real splendor of the Roman 



Decline of the Empire 413 

name was in the outlying provinces; they gloried in de- 
fending the Empire against the barbarians. Financial Finance, 
distress was everywhere present. Trade and commerce, 
industry and manufacturing, were broken down by inroads 
of enemies. The army swallowed up the receipts of tax- 
ation, which grew steadily heavier. As the local officials 
were made responsible for the collection of taxes, men of 
official rank everywhere sought to keep out of the offices. 
The plan of settling Germanic tribes in the Empire was settiemeni 
adopted on a large scale. The immediate results were Marians, 
good. The army was strength ned. In this century 
the word for soldier is "barbarian." When settled on 
farms, these foreigners were called coloni and were bound 
to remain on their land. When the land was sold, they 
passed over to the new proprietor as belonging to it. Such 
persons are not slaves, but serfs; they have certain rights 
in the land to which they belong. As the result of these 
measures agriculture began to revive in various regions 
of the Empire. Architecture and other arts suffered in Architect 
the general decline. Fine buildings were still put up, but 
refinement of taste was wanting. Massiveness and profuse 
decoration were the rule. Such were the Baths of Cara- 
calla and the splendid temples and palaces of Palmyra. 
Portrait statues and rehefs, such as those on the arch of 
Septimius Severus, suffered from the same excess of 
ornamental detail. It is the old story of decline in vigor 
made up for by imitation of the past. 

482. Religion had a large place in the life of the third ReUgioa, 
century. The troubles and woes of the time led men every- 
where to look to the heavenly powers for mercy and help. 
All sorts of religions found favor. Magic and astrology 
were very popular with all classes. In Alexandria a new 



414 World-Empire under the Principate 

school of philosophy sprang up called *'New Platonism," 
because it revived the ideas of Plato (§ 239) and sought to 
find comfort and a rule of life in them. The soldiers had 
their religion and, as they were the leading force of the 
time, it spread widely. This was the worship of Mithra, 
a Persian deity, represented as a young hero, slaying a 
bull or bearing it off on his shoulders. He had his priests 
and his temples; he promised victory over sin and im- 
mortal happiness to his followers. The worship of the 
sun as the source of all life, the unconquerable lord, was 
a popular cult. The emperors of the time were very 
favorable to these various religions; they saw in them a 
source of strength for the hard-pressed Roman world. 

Christian- 483. Only against one faith were all alike opposed. 

**^* Christianity had to battle with them for her life and no 

one could foresee the result. Yet she grew through all 
the century, undismayed by persecution. The effect of 
her independent position, opposed as she was by the state 

Growth of and attacked by the people, began to appear. Her organi- 

tion!°*^*' zation became more centralized. Among the elders or 
bishops of the churches, here and there, a leader appeared 
who stood at the head of the Christians of the city and 
became the Bishop; the elders or presbyters became 
"priests"* under the bishop's authority; churches of a 
district united for the settlement of questions common to 
them by sending their priests to a synod, presided over by 
a bishop. Thus a distinction between the clergy and the 

The lay members began to arise. Bishops in such centres as 

Antioch, Alexandria or Rome, where the Christians were 

many, were called Archbishops or Metropolitans. The 

church at Rome came to have a special position. It v/as 

* The word "priest" is a contracted form of the word "presbyter." 



Hierarchy. 




X) O 
u 

CO ^ 



The Christian Church 415 

thought that Peter, the leader of Jesus's disciples, was The 



Roman 
Church. 



its founder and thus gave it leadership over the other 
churches. Its Bishop was thus led to make pecuUar 
claims to headship in the Church. In all this advance of 
the Church we see it begin to shape itself on the model of 
the imperial organization and to stand up over against it. 
Leaders of thought began to come forward. In Alexan- christia 
dria, a school of Christian teaching was formed, the most 
brilHant ornament of which was Origen. In North 
Africa, Christianity was particularly strong. Here the 
great names were TertuUian and Cyprian, who by their 
writings defended the Church against enemies within 
and without. A Christian art began to appear. Upon Art. 
gravestones and chapels the dove, the good shepherd 
and the lamb, favorite symbols of the new faith, were 
rudely carved or painted. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

1. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire. 

(i) The world -empire under the Principate [Julian and Flavian 
lines, constitutional emperors] — Empire in the third century — 
troubles without — military defence — emperors made by legions — 
the most important — their personality and history — rise of legal 
science and imperial law — decline of the state — barbarians settled 
in the empire — revival of religion (new Platonism, Mithra, Chris- 
tianity, a close organization, literature and art). 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. Name the chief Emperors of the 
century. 2. For what are the following significant: Zenobia, 
Ulpian, Origen? 3. What is meant by coloni, priest, New 
Platonism, Edict, Sassanian? 4. What is the date of the 
Edict of Caracalla? 



416 World-Empire under the Despotism 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Greek religion in the 
sixth century b.c. (§ 124) with the religion of this age — what 
similar conditions and results? 2. How do the barbarian in- 
vasions resemble those that afflicted the Oriental world (§§ 14, 

38, 40, 54, 78, 81)? 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 

Empire in the Third Century. Gibbon, pp. 21-83; Morey, ch. 
27; Merivale, pp. 542-569; Seignobos, pp. 373-390; West, pp. 
428-431; Wolfson, pp. 457-458. 2. The Emperor and His 
Administration. Abbott, pp. 329-334; Botsford, pp. 276-278. 
3. The Jurists of the Empire. Seignobos, pp. 383-384; West, 
p. 42c; Botsford, pp. 269-270. 4. Severus Alexander. Gibbon, 
PP* 37> 38; Merivale, pp. 555, 556. 5. The Sassanian Kings. 
Gibbon, pp. 39-42; Botcford, pp. 271-272. 6. Zenobia and 
Palmyra. Gibbon; pp. 70-73. 



(2) THE WORLD-EMPIRE UNDER THE 
DESPOTISM 

A.D. 284-395 

The 484. The new organization of the state which was de- 

or^aSzed!" ^^^'iided by the times was started by an emperor at the 

close of the century. Among the able lieutenants that the 

valiant emperors Aurelian and Probus gathered about 

them and trained in the fierce battles with Goths and 

Diocletian. Persians were Diocletian and Maximian. The legions 

chose Diocletian as emperor (a.d. 284-305) to defend 

and restore the decaying Empire. He responded by a new 

The Plan plan of imperial organization to meet the difficulties of 

ganization, ^^c timcs. (i) To solvc the problem of the succession 

he associated with himself as colleague Maximian, giving 

him the title of Augustus, and took as assistants Galerius 

and CoNSTANTius, giving them the title of Caesar. Hence, 



285 
340 


CHART OF THE 


HISTORY OF THE 


ROMAN WORLD, 285-800 A.D. 




I Persecution of Christian.s. ^'°^' 
311 305 Atilicatiou ofDiocletiau. au 
311, Galerius' Edict of Toleration. 
313 Edict of Milan. Const 
324 Empire united under Coustantine. 
r,2-. Council of Nicaea. 

8s:r— 


^"*" Period of re-organizatiou of the Empire. 

an tin* 

326 Constantinople founded. 




395 
450 


-I T w Persecution of Christians. 

1 ; t •'"' 

1 !^| 31)2 Pagan riles forbidden. an 

i ? 1 £ 'V Ambrose Bishop of Milan 

;-<12|f EASTERN '■l'*''"! 

1?.1»I5 .EMPIRE 


an 355-357 Julian wars with the Alamanui. 

363 Julian killed in Parthian war. 
'^ 378 Valens defeated by the Visigoths 

at Adriancple. 
'*""'■■* WESTERN 
EMPIRE 




1=1 j=- A read 
i < ■ Per 

O ] 1 

a!. 1 
ti 1 43S Theodosian Code. 


ins 4U2 Invasion of Italy by Visigotlis. Hon 

410 Kome captured by Alaric. 
iod ^''' 



* we 

au 


onus 

iofl 412 Visigoths found kingdom 
f in Spain. 
, 429 Vandals in Africa. 

^^ 440 

449 Anglo-Saxons in Britain. 




Em per 


f" 451 Battle of Clialons. 

455 Kome captured by Vandals. 
Imperial Insignia sent' to Zeno 


' Pope Leo 

the Great 

461 




■iOO 


Kev 

of act 


ival 

'^'i'y 493.Theo 


PRANKISH STATE 
481 Clovis unites tjie Franks. 
496 Clovis accepts thristianity. 
doric I 






527 


n 
Ea 


tl,g 'i the O'strogoth. 

< ' 511 Deatli ol Clovis 
8t ! Ruler! of 

5l6 "t>- 








Code 


534 Africa conquered by Justinian. 1 534 Franks conqut 


•Burgundians. 




5'50 


of Jusf 


inian } 






Justinian 


553 Italy concjuered by Justinian. 1 T 


1 






565 


' 


568 Lombards hold < 
North Italy. = 


1 

i 




600 




1 = 

1 ^ 

1 590 Pope =■ 
; 1 Gregoiy ^ 


1 

^97 Augustine 
1 in Britain. 

! 




Hera 


MOHAMMEDAN | ^6^ t'>e fust 
PO|/ER 1 
622 Flight of Mohai*med from Mecca. J 
clius 1 I 

C32 Death of Mohanlmed. j 

637 Mohammedans J-apture Jerusalem, j 63S Division of Fra 

641 Mohammedans lonquer Egypt. i Austrasia an 


kjsh Kingdom, 
1 yeustria. 




650 


an 




>J 




oth 


651 Mohammedans 
er 


•onquer Persia. « Hi 
1 '^1 








Eastern 


668 Mohammedans 
Emperors 


efore Constantinople.! o i 


2, 




700 




698 Mohammedans 


•onquer Africa. i |^ 


- 






750 
800 


Leo III 

Iconoclastic Conti-oversy. 


711 Mohanmiedi 
the Isaurian 
732 Charles Mar 


tel 


1 

conquer Sjiain. ' = 

i " 

lefeats MoliammedaniPower at Tours. 

i Boniface Apostle 
j to (ierniany. 


f 
714 Charles 
Marl el 




li-e 


ne 


! tol Vipphi beco 

755 Pippin com|)els Lombardi^fe/^^ 
to give teri-jtory Kr^^ 
to Pope. > ^^r 
774 Cliarlemagne conqjersojj^^ 
the Lombards, i jJ^ 

800lX'^^"^l'^''"''°''"'*'^' 


mes Ring. 
768 

maus. 





Diocletian s Imjjerial Reorganization 417 

there was alv/ays one at hand to succeed to the throne. 
(2) To meet the necessity of defending so great an Empire 
from its enemies, he assigned Maximian to Italy and the 
western provinces with Constantius under him in charge 
of Gaul, Spain and Britain, and himself took the east 
with Galerius under him in charge of Illyria. His capital 
was at Nicomedia in Asia Minor; that of Maximian 
at Milan in Italy. (3) For a better administration of the 
state, he split up the provinces, making about one hundred 
in all. These were united into twelve ''dioceses." (4) 
To guard against misuse of power, he separated the military 
from the civil authority. Governors of provinces were civil 
officers. Generals (counts and dukes) had charge of the 
soldiery. (5) A very complex organization of the offi- 
cials of the state was introduced; all were closely bound 
together, each dependent on the one above him in rank, 
until the culmination was reached in the emperor. Each 
rank of officials had its appropriate title. The supreme 
emperor was far above all other mortals and surrounded 
himself with Oriental pomp and form; he wore a diadem 
and was called DominuSy "lord"; the subject was servus, 
"slave." 

485. Thus by these measures the principate perished and a Des 
an absolute monarchy took its place. The republic with its 
constitution and magistrates, princeps, senate, assemblies, 
citizens, was abohshed.* The pre-eminence of Rome and 
Italy vanished. All that had been built up by Augustus 
with such marvellous skill, and, for three centuries, had, 
in form at least, been the basis of Roman government, 

* The consulate remained as an honorary magistracy, giving its name 
to the year. Other institutions continued, but without political signifi- 
cance. 



potism 



418 World-Emjnre under the Despotism 

passed away. That it should perish was proper, for it had 
done its work and was unequal to the new demands. But 
the meaning of the change now introduced must not be 
overlooked. The World- Empire of Rome was essentially 
transformed. The experiment in government, which 
sought to combine republican institutions with effective 
administration of an empire, was over. 
The Per- 486. His plan of reorganization proves Diocletian to 

Diocletian ^avc been a wise and practical statesman, as well as a 
skilful soldier. He was of humble origin, the son of a 
freedman of Dalmatia, and had worked his way up from 
the ranks. Tall and spare of body, he had a clear mind, 
reflected in a face with finely cut features, and an attractive 
personality which made firm friends. With a strong will 
that pursued its way resistlessly, and used all men to fur- 
ther its designs, he had one weakness common to his age 
— a vein of religious superstition which caused him to set 
much store by omens and signs, and to pay passionate 
heed to the utterances of magicians and astrologers. 
Good Re- 487. Under his skilful ministration the exhausted Em- 
the^New P^^^ ^^^ revived and leaped to its feet. The coinage was 
Plan. improved and finances restored. New taxes were im- 

posed, but their burden was wisely distributed among the 
various classes of society. Military reforms, particularly 
the creation of a field-army in addition to the legions on 
the frontiers, available wherever the need was greatest, 
brought the disturbed frontiers into order. Laws were 
issued bearing on all sides of life; it was even attempted 
to regulate prices by legislation. Imperial cities were 
adorned with new and splendid buildings, and old founda- 
tions were renewed. Inscriptions of the time hail the 
period as the " happy era" of general betterment. 



Constantine 419 

488. His religious weakness brought upon him a serious Persecu- 
conflict. In his zeal for the revival of the ancient Roman christians, 
worship, he sought to suppress the Christians. Although 

they were in his court and his legions and formed the most 
influential and progressive element in the state, his un- 
relenting, almost fanatical, spirit did not flinch from the 
struggle. He did not use bloody means; his plan was 
rather by destroying churches, silencing leaders and seiz- 
ing property to bring Christianity gradually into contempt its Failure, 
and weakness. He failed. His edict against the Faith 
was only partially respected in the west, and down to the 
end of his reign the struggle went on. During his own 
lifetime — after his abdication (§489) — his successor, 
Galerius, issued his Edict of Toleration (a.d. 311), which 
gave the Christians freedom to worship in public and 
private on condition of paying due respect to the laws. 

489. A more remarkable weakness in his system re- Difficulties 
vealed itself. Worn out with his incessant labors, Dio- succession 
cletian determined to retire from his imperial position. 

In A.D. 305, after twenty years of rule, he abdicated and 
retired to Dalmatia to spend in private the remainder of 
his life. He persuaded his colleague, Maximian, to follow 
his example. The Caesars stepped into their places and 
new Caesars were appointed. Soon, however, difficulties 
sprang up between the rulers. The son of Constantius, 
Constantine, was proclaimed imperator by his legions 
in the west. The Roman world saw the emperors in- 
volved in conflict with each other for the supremacy. The 
outcome was the victory of Constantine, who in a.d. 324 constan- 
became sole emperor (a.d. 324-337). **'^*' 

490. Constantine was thirty-two years of age, a man ms Per- 
of heroic stature, handsome ana strong. Tradition tells ^^^^^^^' 



420 World-Empire under the Despotism 

of his piercing eye and commanding dignity. A brave 
warrior, he won many of his battles by his own personal 
courage and strength in single combat. Shrewd and self- 
contained, never thrown off his guard, quick to seize an 
opportunity, with a reHgious sense akin to Diocletian's 
and a love of praise and pomp which he gratified by the 
Oriental splendor of his dress and court, he carried out 
the spirit of Diocletian's poHcy to the end. From the men 
of his own time and from succeeding ages he has won the 
His Two title of "the Great." Of all his achievements two have 
tionrtir' given him this special claim to remembrance: (i) his 
Progress, transference of the imperial capital from Rome to a new 
city on the Bosphorus, named from him Constantinople: 
(2) his reconciliation of the Empire with Christianity. 
The New 491. Constantinople was placed on the site of the Greek 

Capital. ^j^y ^£ Byzantium. It was most wisely placed for the 
capital of an Empire that extended from the Euphrates to 
Britain. From it the emperor could survey his domain 
on either side and most easily control its several parts. 
Commerce found it a most convenient centre and its har- 
bors were unsurpassed. It lay near, yet not too near, to 
the Danube, the frontier whence danger from the bar- 
barians was most pressing. It was easy of defence by 
land and sea, lying on seven hills and protected on three 
sides by water. The emperor proposed to call it New 
Rome, and, although the name commemorating its founder 
has been preferred by after ages, the result contemplated 
by him took place — the supremacy of old Rome passed 
to its new rival. Here the court was set up, here mag- 
nificent palaces were built, from here the imperial admin- 
istration ruled the Roman world. Rome sank to the level 
of a provincial city, mighty in its past alone, until it rose 



Constantine and Christianity 



421 



again to be the capital of a spiritual state, the seat of the 
Roman Church. 

492. Already, before he became sole emperor, Constan- Recogni- 
tine had seen how great a power Christianity had become, chrisUan- 
and by his friendly attitude won the Christians to his side ity. 




His father, though never breaking with the old religion, 
had inclined to the worship of one god, and the son fol- 
lowed his example. In a.d. 313 he published the Edict 
of Milan, by which larger tolerance was granted to Chris- 
tianity than Galerius had given (§ 488). As time went 
on and he became the lord of the Roman world, his favor 
was shown more clearly by his edicts and by his personal 
kindness to Christian bishops. He read the Scriptures. 
He presided at a famous council of Christian bishops at 
Nicaea (a.d. 32$), where an important theological ques- 



422 World-Emjnre under the Despotism 



tion was decided — whether Jesus Christ was the same as 
Constantinc God or Only Hke him * In the hour of death he was bap- 
tian, tized into the Church, and thus personally confessed Chris- 

tianity. But, as emperor, he refused to take sides; if he 
granted favors to Christians, he also consecrated temples 
and gave privileges to priests of the old Roman cult. Nor 
was his conduct ever deeply influenced by Christian teach- 
ing. He sought to reconcile all worshippers of every god 
and use them for the upbuilding of the Empire. Yet his 
personal attitude toward Christianity was more potent 
than his official neutrality. From his reign dates the be- 
ginning of the victory of Christianity over the ancient 
faiths of the Roman world and the union between the 
Church and the Empire. 

Eusebius, the Church historian and friend of Constantine, tells 
us, in his life of the emperor, that Constantine, before he become sole 
emperor, while marching against one of his rivals, uncertain as to his 
duty to God, beheld a wonderful vision. As the day was declining, 
he saw the representation of a cross of light in the heavens, above the 
sun, and bearing the inscription, Conquer by this! At this sight he 
himself was struck with amazement, and his whole army also, which 
followed him on the expedition and witnessed the miracle. While 
pondering on the vision, he fell into a sleep in which Christ appeared 
to him with the same sign and bade him make a likeness of it as a 
standard for his army. He obeyed, and produced what was called 
the Labarum, a banner hung from a cross-bar on a spear, at the 
top of which was a wreath containing in its centre a monogram for 
the name of Christ. From this time forth Constantine was at heart 
a Christian. 

493. On the death of Constantine, his three sons fol- 
lowed him as emperors in the east and west (a.d. 337-353) 

* Those who held the latter view were led by the Bishop Arius and 
were hence called Arians. The question was decided against them in 
the Nicene Council. 



Successors 
of Con- 
stantine. 



PLATE XXlll 




The Arch (A Lonstantine at Rome 




A Roman Aqueduct in Gaul 
CHARACTERISTIC ROMAN ARCHITECTURE 



Arius and Athanasius 423 

until one of them, Constantius, became sole emperor 
(a.d. 353-360). After him came another member of the 
house of Constantine, Julian (a.d. 361-363). His death 
on the eastern frontier was followed by the elevation of 
several generals of the armies, until a vigorous and suc- 
cessful warrior, Theodosius (a.d. 379-395), at first em- 
peror in the east, succeeded in uniting the Empire again. 
The renewal of barbarian invasions after his death on a 
scale hitherto unparalleled, and the estabhshment of their 
independent states in the Empire, has made the year of 
his death, a.d. 395, a significant turning point in history. 

494. While the inroads on the Danube and the Rhine Christian- 
continued, and the Persians in the east were constantly E^pkV^* 
threatening the Roman provinces, the uppermost ques- 
tion in the history of this half-century was the relation of 
the Empire to Christianity. The Church, superbly or- 
ganized under its bishops, and having its greatest strength 
in the cities,* offered itself as a useful ally to the imperial 
power. A fierce conflict about the doctrine which had The war oi 
been in dispute at the council of Nicaea (§492) was rending in the°*^ 
the Church in twain. Arianism sought to reassert itself church, 
against its opposing view, which being accepted in that 
council was called Orthodoxy or the "right doctrine." 
The sons of Constantine had been reared as Christixms, 
but Constantius accepted the Arian view. Hence, the 
Arians sought to obtain his help to gain their victory. 
Although, as emperor, he sought to remain, hke his father, 
neutral in religious matters, he could not help being drawn 

*A remarkable illustration of this are our words "Pagan," which 
means "dweller in a village," and "Heathen," "dweller on the heath" 
or "country." Christianity made its way very slowly among the 
country people. Hence "Paganism" and "Heathenism" are used to 
signify the non-Christian religions of the ancient world. 



424 World-Empire under the Despotism 

into the struggle. The Empire took the side of Arianism. 
Over against him as representing orthodoxy was Athana- 
sius, the briUiant and unscrupulous bishop of Alexandria. 
The result of the conflict was the triumph of Arianism 
Its Effect, by the aid of imperial authority. The moment was full 
of meaning, not because of the triumph of this or that 
doctrine, but because it brought the union of the Em- 
pire and the Church a long step nearer. Julian, who 
sought to revive paganism and repress Christianity, was 
an interesting character, but his attempt was futile. In 
Christian annals he is branded as "the apostate." The 
emperors who followed favored the Church more and more. 
Victory of One of them, Gratian, withdrew all imperial support from 
ity over ^lic public worship of the heathen gods. In a.d. 392 
Paganism. Thcodosius issucd an edict, forbidding all practice of the 
old religion. This date marks the formal downfall of 
paganism and the victory of Christianity in the Roman 
world. At the same time, this emperor exalted the 
orthodox doctrine; he forbade and punished Arianism 
and all other false teachings of the true faith. He prac- 
tically made Christianity the religion of the Empire. 
Henceforth bishops and emperors joined hands for the 
rule of the Roman world. 
Union of 495. Let us stop a moment to consider what this meant. 

chJfrch.^" In the ancient world, the part of religion was to serve the 
state. It was one of the elements of public life which 
made up the state. The ruler was the head of the re- 
The Victory ligious systcm. But Christianity had grown up outside 
o^church p^^lj(, ijfg. j^ obeyed no earthly ruler; Jesus Christ, the 
Empire. gon of God, was its supreme master. Hence, in uniting 
with the state, it came in as an equal, nay, rather, as rep- 
resenting a Lord to whom the emperor, too, must bow. 



Union of the Church and the Empire 425 

Therefore, the union of Christianity and the Empire 
brought with it the victory of the Church over the Em- 
pire. Before the authority of its Christ there could be 
no equal power. Hence, this moment in history reveals to 
us that we are approaching the border of a new age. The 
Ancient World is passing away. 

The position occupied by the Church is illustrated by the famous 
"penance" of Theodosius. He had been stirred by a rebellious act 
of a mob in the city of Thessalonica to order the massacre of the 
inhabitants. At least 7,000 people perished. Ambrose, the bishop 
of Milan, was horrified by this crime. When Theodosius ap- 
proached the church to worship, he was met by the bishop, who for- 
bade him entrance and laid before him the conditions on which 
God's pardon could be obtained. Taking off his royal robes, he 
must appear in the church as a penitent and beg for mercy from God. 
The emperor submitted, and, after eight months of probation, Am- 
brose absolved him from guilt and restored him to the communion 
of the Church. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire. 

(i) [The world-empire under the Principate] — (2) The world- 
empire under the Despotism — the empire reorganized by Diocle- 
tian — despotism substituted for principate — character and work 
of Diocletian — Constantine sole emperor — character — his two 
achievements — his successors — Theodosius — Christianity and the 
Arian heresy — the Empire's part in the struggle — what it meant. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. I. What is the meaning of bishop, 
diocese, orthodoxy, pagan, New Rome, labarum? 2. For 
what are the following famous: Ambrose, Gratian, Athanasius, 
Julian, Mithra? 3. What is the date of the Edict of Tolera- 
tion, of the Council of Nic«a? 



426 End of the Ancient Period 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. What circumstances and con- 
ditions existed at this time to justify and make possible the 
Despotism which did not exist in the time of Augustus? 
2. Compare the position of Christianity in the state under 
Constantine to that of religion in the ancient Oriental states 
(§§ 34, 9i)- 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 

Reorganization of the Empire. Morey, ch. 28; Botsford, pp. 
278-280, 285-288; West, pp. 434-439; Merivale, ch. 70; Gib- 
bon, pp. 91-95, 132-143; Seignobos, pp. 390-392, 406-409. 
2. Constantine and Christianity. Munro, p. 1 75 (source) ; West, 
pp. 438-445; Botsford, pp. 282-283; Merivale, ch. 71; Gibbon, 
pp. 120-240. 3. The Edicts of the Emperors in Relation to 
Christianity. Munro, pp. 174-176 (sources); Gibbon, pp. 118- 
119. 4. The Council of Nicaea. SeignoboS:, pp. 400-401. 5. 
Julian and Pagan Learning. Merivale, ch. 73; Seignobos, pp. 
412-413; Gibbon, ch. 12. 6. Theodosius. Merivale, pp. 616- 
623; Seignobos, pp, 416-420; Gibbon, pp. 207-221. 7. Con- 
stantinople and Rome. Munro, pp. 236-237 (source); Gibbon, 
pp. 123-132; Botsford, pp. 283-285; Merivale, pp. 587-590; 
Seignobos, pp. 403-404. 8. Society in the Fourth Century. 
West, pp. 449-457. 



(3) THE BREAKING UP OF THE WORLD- 
EMPIRE AND THE END OF THE 
ANCIENT PERIOD 

A.D. 395-800 

The Last 496. The four centuries, A.D. 400-800, form the last 

furies?!"^" g^cat Era of Transition in the history of the Ancient World. 
Rome. Everything was in confusion; everywhere ancient races 
were yielding to fresh and vigorous peoples, old and es- 
tablished forms of organization were breaking down and 
new institutions were forming to correspond to the new 
life. The struggle was long, the changes slow in taking 



Barbarian Invasions 427 

place, but the end was the transformation of the old world 
into the Middle Age. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY* 

For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 
Thatcher and Schwill. A General History of Europe. Scribners. 

The early chapters have a full and spirited account of the decline 

of the Empire and the rise of the barbarian kingdoms. 
Robinson. History of Western Europe. Ginn and Co. An excellent 

book, especially strong on the social elements of the history. 
Church. The Beginning o} the Middle Ages. Scribners. Not a new 

book, but by an admirable scholar and of permanent value for the 

period a.d. 400-800. 

497. The death of Theodosius p aced the administra- The Bar- 
tion of the Empire in the hands of his two sons. Arcadius oYiu^e 
received the eastern portion, Honorius the west. Both 
were young and incapable. The barbarians, some of 
them already over the border and restrained in their 
seats only by the strong hand of Theodosius, soon broke 
loose; some fell upon the provinces, others threatened 
the very heart of the Empire. Goths, divided into East 
(Ostro) Goths and West (Visi) Goths, came down from 
the north and northeast; Vandals, Suevi, Burgundians, 
Alamanni, and Franks burst into the western provinces. 
The very year of the death of Theodosius (a.d. 395), the 
Visigoths, who had been already admitted into the Dan- Visigoths, 
ubian provinces, rose under Alaric, their chieftain, and 
marched into Italy. Stilicho, the general of Honorius, 
successfully resisted them, until, out of jealousy and fear, 
he was murdered by his royal master. Then Alaric was 
able to overrun Italy and even to capture Rome (a.d. 410). 
The Suevi had penetrated into Spain, where they were 

* For previous bibliographies see pp. 4, 10, 75, 249, 359. 



428 



End of the Ancient Period 



Vandals. 



Huns. 



Battle of 
Chalons. 



Weaklings 
on the 
Throne. 



followed by the Vandals. Upon the death of Alaric, the 
Visigoths left Italy and moved westward into Spain, where 
they set up a kingdom (a.d. 412) which was to last for 
three hundred years. The Vandals retired before them 
into Africa (a.d. 429), where they also estabhshed a king- 
dom under their leader Gaiseric. As if this were not 
enough, the cause of this tremendous upheaval of the 
German tribes now appeared on the scene in the advance 
of the Huns, a people of alien race and strange manners, 
wild savage warriors, rushing down out of the far northeast 
from their homes in Central Asia. Under their king, At- 
tila, they were united and organized into a formidable host, 
which included also Germans and Slavs. Attila had 
no less a purpose than to overthrow the Roman Empire 
and set up a new Hunnish state upon its ruins. "Though 
a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage. He prac- 
tised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received em- 
bassies and respected the international laws and customs 
which then existed." After ravaging the east as far as 
the Euphrates, he turned to the west, crossed the Rhine 
and invaded Gaul. There he was met by an imperial 
army under Aetius and was defeated and turned back in 
a fierce struggle at the '' Catalaunian Fields" (Chalons) 
in A.D. 451, which is justly regarded as one of the 
decisive battles of history. Two years after he died, and 
with his death the Hunnish peril was over. 

498. The emperors during this period were weak men 
and ineffective rulers, often set up and always upheld by 
their armies, which were made up almost entirely of Ger- 
mans and led by men of the same race. Stilicho was a 
Vandal. Ricimer, another imperial general, was a Sue- 
vian. The emperors of the west emphasized still more 



Fall of Western Empire 429 

their impotence by placing the seat of government at 
Ravenna, an almost inaccessible fortress on the Adriatic 
sea. The rest of Italy might suffer from the marches and 
contests of rival armies, while they were secure. Thus 
they beheld, in a.d. 455, the capture and sack of Rome by 
Gaiseric, the Vandal king of Africa, repeated in a.d. 472 
by Ricimer. Following Honorius, a succession of nine 
weaklings kept up a pretence of imperial rule, until Rom- 
ulus AuGUSTULUS, a mere boy, was set upon the throne. 
His German mercenaries, irritated by a refusal to grant Fan of 
them lands on which to settle, took as their leader Odo- ^""^^^^"^ 

' Empire. 

vacar, the Rugian, captured the emperor and forced him 
to resign his office (a.d. 476). Then the imperial insignia 
were sent to the emperor of the east, Zeno, who thus be- 
came sole emperor and appointed Odovacar governor of 
Italy. In fact the latter ruled Italy as a king, while, as we 
have seen (§ 497), other parts of the west did not even for- 
mally acknowledge the emperor's authority. For this 
reason the year a.d. 476 is often regarded as a turning 
point in the history of Rome as marking the fall of the 
Western Empire. 

499. But peace was still far off. The Ostrogoths, who Ostrogoths 
lived an unsettled and warring life in the Danubian prov- *" ^^^^^' 
inces of the eastern emperor, set out, under their leader, 
Theodoric, to contest with Odovacar the possession of Italy. 
The struggle ended with Theodoric as victor and king of 
Italy. He ruled it for more than thirty years (a.d. 493-526), 
wisely and prosperously. "He restored the aqueducts 
and walls of many cities, repaired the roads, drained 
marshes, reopened mines, cared for public buildings, pro- 
moted agriculture, established markets, preserved the 
peace, administered justice strictly and enforced the laws. 



Rome on 
Invaders. 



430 End of the Ancient Period 

By intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain peace 
between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that they 
might not mutually destroy each other." * Nominally a 
subject of the emperor, he was in reahty sole lord of Italy. 
Influence of 500. It must not be thought that these waves of bar- 
barian invasion completely shattered the structure of 
Roman politics and society. Such attacks on the borders 
had been going on for centuries. Multitudes of Germans 
had already been settled in the provinces. The armies 
were almost entirely made up of them. They were found 
in numbers in the offices of the imperial administration 
and in close touch with the court of the emperor. Not 
only had the splendor and the strength of the Empire, its 
civilization and its wealth, attracted them, but they had 
been deeply influenced by it. Many of them had been 
converted to Christianity. We can, therefore, understand 
the famous saying of one Gothic chieftain, that once, in 
his youth, he had the ambition to overthrow the Roman 
power, but now his highest ambition was to sustain the 
law and order of Rome by the swords of the Goths. Ac- 
cordingly, the moment these invaders reached their goal, 
they fell into the ways of Rome. They came not to de- 
stroy, but to enter into the Roman heritage. They were 
proud to be made the bulwark and support of its civiHza- 
tion and even of its throne. Thus, it was not long before 
the superior culture, the organizing and civilizing power of 
old Rome, worked them over and they settled down to 
maintain the most substantial parts of the imperial struct- 
ure. This appears most clearly in their laws, which were 
gathered up into codes that show the deep influence of 
Roman law. 

* Thatcher and Schwill A General History 0} Europe^ p. 27. 



Revival under Justinian 431 

501. With the passing of the fifth century, the Empire, The 
sorely smitten in the storms of barbarian invasion, raised inaction, 
its head and asserted its ancient authority over the Roman 
world. A series of able rulers in the east prepared the 

way for the brilliant and vigorous reign of Justinian (a.d. 
527-565). Under him the imperial armies were again vie- justiniaa 
torious, and territories lost for a time were again united 
to the Empire. He himself was a Slav, one of that sturdy 
people of Indo-European stock which followed in the track 
of the Germans and occupied the seats on the Elbe and Military 
the Danube abandoned by them in their westward move- ments!^" 
ment. His able generals were Belisarius, a Thracian, 
and Narses, an Armenian; under their skilful adminis- 
tration and admirable generalship, the army was reorgan- 
ized and led out successfully to recover lost territory. In 
A.D. 534 Africa was won back from the Vandals. In 
553, after a long and fiercely contested struggle, Italy was 
rescued from the Ostrogoths. The Visigoths were de- 
prived of parts of Spain. The German tribes on the Dan- 
ube, as well as the Avars, who were related to the Huns, 
were kept in check. The Persians in the east were less 
successfully resisted. 

502. The achievements of Justinian in more peaceful Peaceful 
spheres were equally splendid. He was occupied with 
building, with law and theology, with commerce and 
manufactures, as well as with war. In architecture and 
painting he is renowned for the wonderful church of St. 
Sophia in Constantinople and for the estabHshment of 
standards of art, called Byzantine, which endured for cen- 
turies. In law, he is immortahzed in the Code which bears 

his name. To do away with the inconsistencies and con- 
tradictions which existed among the laws of the Empire, he 



432 



End of the Ancient Period 



The Code 
of Jus- 
tinian. 



The Con- 
tinued In- 
fluence of 
the 
Empire. 



Centred in 
Constanti- 
nople. 



appointed a commission with Tribonian at its head to col- 
lect, harmonize and arrange them. The result was the fa- 
mous Code of Justinian. '* Besides the laws, the opinions, 
explanations and decisions of famous judges were col- 
lected. As in the practice of law to-day, much regard was 
had for precedent and decisions of similar cases, and 
these were brought together from all quarters in a collec- 
tion called the Pandects. For the use of the law students, 
a treatise on the general principles of Roman law was pre- 
pared, which was called the Institutes. Justinian care- 
fully kept the laws which he himself promulgated, and 
afterward published them under the title of Novellae." * 

503. Thus once more, under the guidance of Justinian, 
the Roman Empire proved itself a power in the earth. And 
though its newly recovered provinces were soon lost, it 
long continued on its way a light and a fruitful source of 
culture to the world. The wisdom of Constantine's choice 
of New Rome for its capital was proved. Behind its im- 
pregnable walls, the city was able to bid defiance to bar- 
barian assailants and to send forth again and again its 
armies to regain its lost territories. Its unrivalled commer- 
cial advantages drew irresistibly the trade of the world, 
and riches continued to flow into it, while learning and 
culture found refuge and encouragement within its bul- 
warks. When the west succumbed to barbarian invasions 
and within its borders Roman civilization faded out and 
disappeared, it was revived and renewed by the influences 
which went forth from the eastern capital. Its citizens 
were alert and progressive, combining the gifts of Greek 
and Roman; its palaces were many and magnificent. 
Above all, it was the centre of a Christian life and thought. 



Thatcher and Schwill, A General History 0} Europe^ p. 36. 



Decay of Roman Vigor 433 

which transformed the hordes of eastern and northern 
barbarians that settled on its borders. A sense of nation- 
ahty was aroused among the motley populations that fell 
under its spell; Byzantine imperialism, by infusing ancient 
Grasco- Oriental forms with the Christian spirit, brought 
about the long-deferred realization of the policy of Alex- 
ander the Great (§ 271). The world, east and west, owes 
much to the Constantinople of Justinian and his succes- 
sors. 

504. The revival of imperial vigor was only transient. 
Under the successors of Justinian the state began again to 
decline. One cause of this was internal — pubhc spirit and 
patriotism could not be maintained. The comphcated ad- imperial 
ministrative system of Diocletian, while it preserved the ^^''^'"®- 
Empire as a structure, sapped its inner Hfe. The cost of 
maintaining so great a body of officials was an enormous 
drain. Taxation grew by leaps and bounds accompanied 
by scarcity of money, increase of poverty and decline of 
population. Class distinctions still further weakened the 
effectiveness of the body politic. The senatorial class was 
rich and powerful and was exempted from many civic bur- 
dens. These fell largely on the next lower class, called the 
Curials or Decurions. All who possessed at least twenty- 
five acres of land were included in this class. They were 
responsible for local government and the collection of 
taxes, deficiencies in which they must make up out of their 
own private fortunes. These obligations were hereditary; Ruin of 
a son of a curial entered the order at the age of eighteen ; culzens. 
severe laws were passed to prevent any from avoiding 
the civic burdens, which often proved their ruin. As the 
result of wars and taxation many small freeholders lost 
their property and became coloni (§ 481) on the estates 



med 



434 End of the Ancient Period 

of the nobles, to be sold with the land to which they be- 
longed. The artisans formed a separate class to which all 
members were likewise perpetually bound. The result of 
all these arrangements was that the imperial machine with 
its rigid system and universal sweep was crushing the life 
out of the middle classes, destroying all civic patriotism 
and individual ambition, in the praiseworthy endeavor to 
hold the state together. 

505. But there was also an external cause of the decline 
of the Empire in the east. A new reHgion appeared in 
the Orient and was spread by force of arms throughout the 
eastern world. This was Mohammedanism. 

Moham- 506. In far Arabia, on the southwestern side, near the 

Red sea, lay the city of Mecca, a sacred shrine of Arabian 
heathenism and a centre of trade for the wandering tribes 
of the desert. Here, about a.d. 570, was born, in poverty 
but of a noble family, Mohammed, who was to be the 
founder of a religious and a political power of wide extent 
and influence. As he grew up and came somewhat in 
contact with the world without, he became deeply im- 
pressed with the idolatry and wicked practices of his peo- 

And His pie. Of a highly sensitive nature, perhaps in early life a 
prey to some nervous disease, he felt himself in a vision 
called to be the prophet of Allah, the supreme god of the 
Arabs. After long trial and struggle the Arabs were won 
for his doctrine. Mohammed founded a church, and 
his utterances, which Allah commissioned him to speak, 
were gathered into a sacred book, the Quran, the law and 
gospel of his followers. He claimed to be the supreme 
prophet of God and, therefore, all men were called upon 
to obey his word. To the emperor and to the Persian king 
he sent his messengers calling for submission to God and 



New Faith. 



Mohammedans and Franks 435 

his prophet. When he died (a.d. 632), his followers were 
ready to go forth to the conquest of the world on behalf of 
the true faith. 

507. A vigorous emperor, Heraclius, was on the throne 
and had brought a war with the Persians to a victorious 

end. But the fanaticism of the Mohammedans carried spread of 
all before it. Syria and Egypt were lost. A Moham- medaSms. 
medan capital was established at Damascus, from which 
the successors of the prophet, called Caliphs, ruled over a 
wide empire that included Persia, Arabia, Syria and Egypt. 
They entered Asia Minor, and in a.d. 668 appeared be- 
fore the walls of Constantinople. They were repulsed, 
but the Empire had forever lost its eastern provinces. 

508. Filled with missionary zeal and warlike fury the 
Mohammedans pressed westward along the northern 
coast of Africa and added it to their empire. Thence 
they crossed over into Spain, and in a.d. 711 overthrew 
the kingdom of the Visigoths (§497)- From there they 
advanced into Gaul. It seemed as though the western 
Roman world, Uke the eastern, was to fall into their power. 
But the force that held them in check had been growing 
strong during these same centuries on Gallic soil. This 
was the Kingdom of the Franks, to the history of which 
we now turn. 

509. The Franks had advanced but slowly into the The 
Empire, appearing first on the lower Rhine. Thus they 
kept in touch with their German brethren and renewed 
their native vigor by constant additions from the old stock. 

In A.D. 481 a petty tribal king, Clovis, united the Frank- 

ish tribes under his authority, defeated a Roman governor 

and took possession of upper Gaul. From here he pushed Kingdom 

eastward and conquered the Alamanni. Still unsatisfied^ 



436 End of the Ancient Period 

he drove the Visigoths from southern Gaul into Spain and 
overcame the Burgundians to the southeast. At his death, 
in A.D. 511, the kingdom of the Franks stretched from the 
Pyrenees and the ocean to beyond the Rhine. His sons 
extended the kingdom eastward in Germany to a point 
beyond the farthest conquests of the Romans. In time 
this territory was divided up between members of the royal 
house, and two kingdoms appeared, Austrasia in the east 
and Neustria in the west. 

510. The Frankish nobility, hke many ancient aristocra- 
cies in states just emerging from the tribal conditions 
(§ 106), succeeded in course of time in gaining more and 

Rise of more power over the king. The way in which this took 
oiThe place, however, was peculiar. An important officer of 
Palace. the royal household was the major domus, or "mayor of 
the palace," through whom admission to the king's pres- 
ence was secured. The noble families were able to put 
in this position men from their own body and thus to con- 
trol the king. The major domus possessed royal authority 
though he did not have the royal name. The kings were 
mere figureheads, "do-nothing-kings." 

511. A contemporary thus describes them. "Nothing was left to 
the king except the kingly name; with long hair and flowing beard, 
he sat on the throne to receive envoys from all quarters, but it was 
only to give them the answers which he was bidden to give. His 
kingly title was an empty shadow, and the allowance tor his support 
depended on the pleasure of the mayor of the palace. The king 
possessed nothing of his own but one poor farm with a house on it, 
and a scanty number of attendants, to pay him necessary service and 
respect. He went abroad in a wagon drawn by oxen, and guided 
by a herdsman in the country fashion; thus was he brought to the 
palace or to the annual assemblies of the people for the affairs of the 
realm; thus he went home again. But the government of the king- 



Progress of the Church 437 

dom, and all business, foreign or domestic, were in the hands of the 
mayors of the palace." 

512. One of the mayors of the palace of the Austrasian 
Kingdom, Pippin by name, conquered Neustria and Bur- 
gundy, and, when he died, left the domains thus gained to charies 
his son, Charles Martel (a.d. 714), his successor in the 
mayoral ofhce. The new ruler confronted the advancing 
Mohammedans and defeated them near Tours in a.d. 732. 
They retreated into Spain, and, owing to disturbances in the Battle of 
Mohammedan empire, no further attempt was made to 
extend their power beyond the Pyrenees. The possible 

fate of western Christendom, if the victory had been 
gained by the Mohammedans, has placed the battle of 
Tours among the world's decisive battles. 

513. During these centuries, which had seen the barba- Growth 
rian deluge, the estabhshment of barbarian kingdoms, the church, 
revival of the Empire and the rise of Mohammedanism, 

one imperial institution, the Christian Church, had suffered 
the least and perhaps had gained the most. Since its 
recognition as the religion of the state, it had advanced 
rapidly. Its ministers became imperial officials and its 
religious enactments in its great councils had imperial 
authority. Among its leaders were men of learning and Leaders, 
eloquence, whose writings have deeply affected the history 
of Christian thought. John Chrysostom (''he of the chrysos- 
golden mouth") was one of the most powerful preachers °™' 
of his age (a.d. 347-407). As Patriarch of Constanti- 
nople, he was the idol of the people for his eloquence and 
the aversion of the court for his fearless denunciation of 
vice and hypocrisy. He was twice banished by the em- 
peror. Jerome (about a.d. 346-420) was the most learned Jerome, 
man of his time. His services to the Church arc twofold: 



438 End of the Ancient Period 

(i) He translated the Bible into Latin so successfully, that 
with some modifications his translation, called the Vul- 
gate,* remained the accepted version of the Latin Church. 
Monasti- (2) Hc aided powerfully the ''monastic" movement, 
cism. Yqxj early in the history of Christianity its followers, com- 

ing into contact with the Roman world that in their eyes 
was evil and that also persecuted them, were moved to flee 
from it, to hide in the deserts or other soHtary places, that 
thus they might escape from temptations and trials, and 
be enabled to live a worthier life. The men who followed 
this impulse were called "ascetics." When Christianity 
became the religion of the Empire, the reason for this 
mode of life changed somewhat. Now it was thought to 
be the one means of obtaining a higher kind of goodness; 
it was a method of reaching perfection of character. Soon 
such persons, who had fled from the world, found that they 
could better gain these ends by Hving together in secluded 
communities. Men and women had separate estabHsh- 
ments; they were called ''monks" and "nuns" respec- 
tively.! All the church leaders praised and encouraged 
this mode of life and it soon became immensely popular. 
Jerome fervently preached and rigorously practised the 
monastic hfe and succeeded in inducing many wealthy 
and noble women to take it up. Such persons refused 
to marry, devoted their wealth to charity, ate coarse and 
scanty food and dressed in the simplest way. Jerome 
went so far as to denounce the study of heathen lit- 
erature, even the noblest works of antiquity. The great- 
Augustine, est of the Christian leaders of the age was Augustine, 

* Latin, Vulgata, i.e., "in common use." 

t The words "monk," "monastery" and " monasticism" come from 
the Greek word monos, meaning "alone," "separate.' 



The Bishop of Home 439 

bishop of Hippo in Africa (a.d. 354-430). Trained in 
the best cuUure of the day, he devoted his powerful mind 
to the defence and upbuilding of orthodox Christianity. 
He wrote innumerable books, the greatest of which was 
The City oj God. This book was inspired by the capture 
of Rome by Alaric (§ 497), and compared the splendid 
city of the Empire, now fallen, with the true spiritual capi- 
tal of mankind, the Christian Church. Its eloquence and 
its logic, its splendid survey of the past, and its prophetic 
insight into the future have given this work a place among 
the classics of all time. 

514. In the general progress of the church especial increased 
prominence was secured to the church and bishop of Rome, ^f f °J ^°*'* 
In the troubles that fell upon Italy this church was fore- Ro^jan^ 
most in asserting the power of Christianity and in repre- 
senting its spirit. Its bishops were the friends and helpers 
of the oppressed, the fearless opponents of injustice and 
cruelty. They also secured recognition for their own 
claims to superior position among Christian churches 
(§ 483). Leo I, the Great (a.d. 440-461), obtained an im- Leo the 
perial decree (a.d. 445) commanding all the bishops of the 
west to recognize the supreme headship of the Roman 
bishop and to receive his word as law. It is true that a spiritual 
little later a church council declared that the bishop of 
Constantinople was the equal of the Roman and that both 
were to be superior to all others. But, as the western 
church, now slowly separating from the eastern, refused to 
accept this ruhng, the Roman supremacy was established. 
It has been well said that with Leo the history of the 
papacy began. The Roman bishop became ''pope " of the 
Church in the west with the claim to be the head of all 
Christendom. Likewise, as an imperial official, he had 



440 End of the Ancient Period 

Temporal authority ovcr the territory about Rome and this he ex- 
Power. ercised to its fullest extent during the dark years of the fifth 
century. He '' watched over the election of the city offi- 
cials and directed in what manner the public money 
should be spent. He had to manage and defend the great 
tracts of land in different parts of Italy which, from time 
to time, had been given to the bishopric of Rome. He 
negotiated with the Germans and even directed the gen- 
erals sent against them." * Thus, as the Empire dechned, 
his power grew in two directions: (i) in spiritual headship 
over western Christendom; (2) in worldly, or temporal, 
authority over parts of the Empire. 

515. As leader of western Christendom the papacy 
entered upon the most important task of winning the bar- 

conversion barians for the true faith. Some of these peoples were 
Balblrians. already Christians, although in the Arian form (§ 494). 
Others were still pagan. In the work of conversion 
the popes employed the monks, whose freedom from 
family ties and zeal for the Gospel made them admir- 
able instruments for this purpose. The leading spirit 
Gregory in this movcmcnt was Pope Gregory I (a.d. 590-604), 
Great. ^^ whom is duc the sending of a missionary monk to Eng- 

land. Its result was not merely the conversion of the 
Angles and Saxons who had entered and occupied the 
land, but their acceptance of the primacy of the pope. 
Boniface. Another famous missionary whom the popes sent out 
was Boniface (a.d. 718), through whose labors the Ger- 
mans across the Rhine were converted and churches 
organized among them. 

516. The Franks, however, were to prove the most 
potent allies of the popes in their progress toward head- 

* Robinson, History of Western Europe, p. 52. 



The Pope and the Franks 441 

ship in the west. Clovis embraced orthodox Christianity 
on the occasion of his victory over the Alamanni (§ 509), 
and ranged his people on the side of the papacy. Christi- 
anity flourished exceedingly among them, although the The Franks 
purity of life among the priests and bishops was not on a ^^^^^^^^ 
par with that of the doctrine. When, however, Boniface, 
having completed his labors among the Germans, sought 
to reform the Prankish church, he found a helper in 
Charles Martel. The decisive step was taken in a.d. 748, 
when the bishops of Gaul agreed to uphold the ortho- 
dox faith and obey the commands of the pope at Rome. 
Thus the strongest force in the new world was won for 
Christ and the Roman Church. Henceforth the history Acceptance 
of the Franks and the papacy were inseparably connected, g* ^*^*^ 

When Charles Martel died, his mayorial power was 
handed on to his two sons, Karloman and Pippin. The 
former soon retired to a monastery, leaving Pippin alone 
in the office. "Deeming that the time was now ripe, 
Pippin laid his plans for obtaining the royal title. He sent 
an embassy to Rome to ask Pope Zacharias who should be 
king: the one who had the title without the power, or the 
one who had the power without the title. The pope, who 
was looking abroad for an ally, replied that it seemed to 
him that the one who had the power should also be king; 
and acting on this. Pippin called an assembly of his nobles pippin, 
at Soissons (a.d. 751), deposed the last phantom king ^e^lralks 
of the older line, and was himself elected and anointed 
king." * 

517. This alliance between Roman pope and Prankish The 
king soon had practical results. The pope found his °™ " ^' 
temporal authority (§ 514) threatened by the Lombards. 

* Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 47= 



442 



End of the Ancient Period 



The Pope's 
Appeal to 
the Eastern 
Emperor. 



Pippin His 
Saviour. 



Accession 
of Charle- 
magne. 



This people had entered Italy soon after the Ostro- 
goths had been overcome by the Emperor Justinian. By 
A.D. 568 they were in possession of north Italy with their 
capital at Pavia. Then, in separate bands, they spread 
southward, settling here and there, conquering large parts ; 
only Ravenna, the seat of the emperor's representative, 
the Exarch, and the district about Rome were able to 
maintain themselves. When, however, the Lombards 
united under a king, the pope found himself hard pressed. 
He appealed to his overlord and natural protector, the 
Emperor Leo, in the east. But the latter had introduced a 
violent controversy into his realm by commanding the 
removal from Christian churches of all images as tending 
to encourage idolatry. His violence in enforcing this 
command gained him the name of Iconoclast ("Image- 
breaker"). The pope refused to obey the decree and was 
supported by the western churches. Thus the fellowship 
between the two was broken off and no help came from 
the east. The pope turned to the west and appealed to 
Pippin to deliver him. "Pippin made two campaigns 
into Italy and compelled the Lombards to cede to the pope 
a strip of territory which lay to the south of them (a.d. 755). 
This marks the beginning of the temporal sovereignty of 
the pope. He was freed from the eastern emperor, and 
recognized as the political as well as the ecclesiastical ruler 
of Rome and its surrounding territory, under the over- 
lordship of Pippin, who had the title of Patricius.^^ * The 
Lombards were made tributary to the Prankish king. 

518. His two sons, Karloman and Karl, succeeded to 
the kingdom on Pippin's death (a.d. 768). The former's 
early death left Karl sole king. He is the first prominent 

* Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 130. 



Charlemagne 443 

figure of the times of whom we know something distinct 
and detailed. The reason for this is not far to seek. With 
him the old world passed away and the new world stepped 
into its place. To later ages he was Karl the Great, Caro- 
lus Magnus, whence the common form, Charlemagne. 
His personal appearance is described to us by his contem- 
poraries. 

519. We copy the admirable condensation of this description made 
by Robinson : "He was tall and stoutly built : his face was round, 
his eyes were large and keen, his nose somewhat above the common 
size, his expression bright and cheerful. Whether he stood or sat, his 
form was full of dignity; for the good proportion and grace of his 
body prevented the observer from noticing that his neck was rather 
short and his person somewhat too stout. . . . His step was firm 
and his aspect manly; his voice was clear but rather weak for so 
large a body. He was active in all bodily exercises, delighted in 
riding and hunting, and was an expert swimmer. His excellent 
health and his physical alertness and endurance can alone explain 
the astonishing swiftness with which he moved about his vast realm 
and conducted innumerable campaigns in widely distant regions in 
startlingly rapid succession." 

520. With the abundant activity of Charlemagne the His Reia- 
student of ancient history does not need to acquaint him- thTprpe. 
self. The king's relations to Italy and the pope alone 
require attention. The troubles of the papacy with the 
Lombards continued in his time, until, on the appeal of 

the pope, he entered Italy, conquered the Lombards, 
made himself their king (a.d. 774), and restored to the crowned 
pope his territories. When a party in Rome sought to Em"er"or. 
deprive Pope Leo III of his temporal authority and drove 
him from the city, he again appealed to Charlemagne, 
who reinstated him. A service of thanksgiving was held 
in St. Peter's Church on Christmas Day, a.d. 800, at which 



444 



End of the Ancient Period 



Charlemagne was present. While the king was kneeling 
before the altar, the pope placed upon his head the im- 
perial crown and hailed him " Emperor of the Romans." 

521. A Prankish chronicle gives the following reasons 
for this act which seems to have taken Charlemagne by 
surprise. 

"The name of Emperor had ceased among the Greeks, for they 
were enduring the reign of a woman [Irene], wherefore it seemed 
good both to Leo, the apostolic pope, and to the holy fathers [the 
bishops] who were in council with him, and to all Christian men, 
that they should name Charles, king of the Franks, as Emperor. 
For he held Rome itself, where the ancient Caesars had always dwelt, 
in addition to all his other possessions in Italy, Gaul and Germany. 
Wherefore, as God had granted him all these dominions, it seemed 
just to all that he should take the title of Emperor, too, when it 
was offered to him at the wish of all Christendom." 



What This 522. This assumption of the imperial title by Charle- 

Act Means, j^g^gj^g j^g^g ^^q aspccts. (i) In onc sense it is only a con- 
tinuation of the past. The years of confusion in the west 
were over and a well-ordered state came into existence, 

Revival. embracing in its unity the old imperial provinces, and 
ruled in the name of Rome, a name hallowed by centuries 
of splendid history. So it was looked upon at the time. 
Charlemagne was regarded as a successor of the line of 
eastern Emperors.* But (2) in a more important sense it 
was entirely new. A new race, a barbarian people, up- 
held the imperial throne and were represented in its oc- 
cupant. The old Roman blood and institutions were 
swallowed up in the Teutonic. Even more significant is 

A New Era. the uuion of this new imperial people with the Christian 

* The Empress Irene was on the throne, and it was regarded as a 
disgrace that the imperial seat should be occupied by a woman. 



A New Era 445 

Church. Moreover, in the east the Semitic Arabs, inspired 
with zeal for a new faith, had forced back almost to the 
walls of Constantinople the eastern Empire, now shorn 
of its ancient strength. Such a breaking up of the past 
institutions and such a combination of new historical 
forces introduces us to a new order and indicates that the 
Ancient World has passed away and another world is 
rising on its ruins. 

OUTLINE FOR REVIEW 

III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

I. The Making of Rome. 2. Rome's Western Empire. 3. Rome's 
Eastern Empire. 

4. Rome's World-Empire. 

[ (i) The world-empire under the Principate — (2) The world- 
empire under the Despotism] — (3) The Breaking up of the World- 
empire and the End of the Ancient Period: Four centuries of con- 
fusion — the barbarian deluge — Alaric and Visigoths — Gaiseric 
and Vandals — Attila and Huns — fall of Western Empire — Theo- 
doric and Ostrogoths — Rome transforms the barbarians — Imperial 
revival under Justinian — his work — internal decay of the Empire 
— external attack — Mohammedanism — early history of the Franks 
— battle of Tours — growth of the Church — its great leaders — 
monasticism — advance of the Church of Rome — conversion of 
barbarians — Franks accept Roman Christianity — Charlemagne 
crowned by the Pope — its significance — the end of the ancient 
world. 

REVIEW EXERCISES. 1. What do Alaric, Attila, Gaiseric, 
Theodoric, Clevis stand for? 2. Why are the following im- 
portant: Catalaunian Fields, Code of Justinian, Exarch, Tours? 
3. What has rendered the following famous: Jerome, Charles 
Martel, Gregory, Justinian, Stilicho, Augustine? 4. What is 
the date of the fall of the Western Empire, of the death of 
Mohammed, of the Battle of Tours, of the crowning of Charle- 
magne? 

COMPARATIVE STUDIES. 1. Compare Charlemagne and Con- 
stantine. 2. Compare the origin and growth of Mohamme- 



446 End of the Ancient Period 

danism and of Christianity. 3. In what was the relation of the 
Barbarians to the Empire like that of Philip of Macedon to 
the Greeks (§§ 245, 251, 252)? 4. Compare the rise of the 
Franks with the rise of the Roman state (see Wolf son, p. 488). 

TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT. 1. The 
Germans and Their Culture. Laing, pp. 401-409 (source); Seig- 
nobos, pp. 440, 441; West, pp. 458-463; Botsford, pp. 293-296. 
2. The Visigoths and Alaric. Seignobos, pp. 421-425, 442 ; Gib- 
bon, pp. 226-238; Botsford, pp. 297-303. 3. The Ostrogoths and 
Theodoric. Botsford, pp. 312-315; Seignobos, pp. 444-446. 
4. The Vandals and Gaiseric. Botsford, pp. 303-306; Seignobos, 
pp. 429, 442. 5. The Conquest of Britain. West, pp. 483-485; 
Botsford, pp. 321-322. 6. The Huns and Attila. Merivale, 
pp. 648-651 ; Seignobos, pp. 427-429; Gibbon, pp. 200-203, 251- 
263. 7. The Lombards. Wolfson, pp. 484-486; Gibbon, pp. 
378-383; Botsford, pp. 319-321; Seignobos, pp. 446-447. 
8. Theodoric. Gibbon, ch. 19. 9. Justinian and the Eastern 
Empire. Gibbon, chs. 20-22; Seignobos, pp. 449-456. 10. 
The Decay of Society — Causes and Course. Wolfson, p. 478; 
Seignobos, pp. 432-438. 11. The Fathers of the Church. Morey, 
p. 324. 12. Rise of the Roman Church. Gibbon, pp. 383-384; 
Seignobos, pp. 460-465; Wolfson, pp. 490-493; West, pp. 505- 
512. 13. The Iconoclasts. Gibbon, pp. 428-432. 14. Monas- 
ticism. Seignobos, pp. 465-467; West, pp. 490-492. 15. Mo- 
hammed. Gibbon, pp. 451-465; Seignobos, pp. 467-471. 
16. The Victories of Mohammedanism. Gibbon, pp. 465-483; 
Seignobos, pp. 471-475. 17. The Rise of the Franks. Wolfson, 
pp. 486-487; Seignobos, pp. 443-444; Botsford, pp. 322-328; 
Gibbon, pp. 274-277. 18. Charlemagne. Seignobos, pp. 479- 
485; Botsford, pp. 328-331; West, pp. 513-522. 



GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISION 3 

44 B.C.-A.D. 800 

TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION. 1. Follow the different 
steps in the Relation of the Emperor to the Institutions of the 
Republic (§§ 425, 426, 436, 442, 446, 449, 466, 478, 479, 484, 485). 
2. Progress in the Administrative Organization of the Empire 
(§§ 443, 467, 469, 478,484, 503). 3. External Causes tending 
to weaken the Empire (§§ 429, 468, 476, 480, 497, 500, 505). 



Rome's World-Emjnre 447 

4. Internal Causes tending to Weaken the Empire (§§ 436, 
438, 457, 469, 480, 481, 495, 504). 5. The Problem of the 
Succession in its various stages (§§ 438, 446, 466, 477, 478, 
484). 6. Stages in the Organization of Christianity (§§ 461, 
475, 483, 494, 495, 513, 514). 7. Important Dates in the His- 
tory of the Empire. 8. A Chronological List of the Invasions 
of the Barbarians, 9. Trace the gradual separation of the 
Empire into an Eastern and a Western part (§§ 484, 489, 491, 
493. 494, 497. 498, 503. 514, 516, 517). 
PICTURE EXERCISES. 1. With Plate XIV before you compare 
the figures and note differences of artistic and historical impor- 
tance. 2. On Plates XV and XVI compare coins 6 and 8 
with coins 9 and 14. What important differences are seen? 

3. Compare coins 1 1 and 13. Bearing in mind whose coins these 
are, what historical conclusions can you draw? 4. Compare 
Plates XX and XXIV to register the advance or decline in 
artistic character. 5. Why have Plates X and XXIV decided 
differences in subject and style? 6. On Plate XVIII study 
head 6; does this style suit the man? How? 7. Why are 
the illustrations of Plate XXIII characteristic of Rome? 
8. What does Plate XXI tell us of Roman Life in the first 
century a.d. ? 

SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS. 1. The City of Rome 
under the Empire. Merivale, ch. 79. 2. The Persecutions 
of the Christians. Munro, pp. 164-176 (sources); Univ. of Pa. 
Translations, Vol. IV, No. i; Gibbon, ch. 9; Seignobos, pp. 
366-372. 3. The History of Roman Law. Gibbon, ch. 23. 

4. Rome in Juvenal's Time from his Own Report. Laing, pp. 
433-449 (translation). 5. What the German Gave to the Roman 
and Received from Him. West, pp. 486-496. 6. An Account of 
the Parthian Kingdom, its History and Relations to Rome. 
Ency. Britannica, Art. Persia, (the part dealing with Parthia). 
7. A Letter from Pliny to Tacitus Describing His Own Life and 
Activities, Interests, Pleasures, etc. Laing, pp. 451-471 (con- 
tains translations of Pliny's letters); The Atlantic, June, 1886; 
Thomas, Roman Life under the Caesars, ch. 14. 8. The Gifts 
of Rome to Human Civilization. Morey, ch. 30. 9. An Ac- 
count of the Historical Event Suggested by Plate XIX. 



APPENDIX I 

BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR ADVANCED STUDENTS AND 
TEACHERS 

I. GENERAL WORKS 

Helmolt. History of the World. Vol. Ill, Western Asia and Egypt: 
Vol. IV, The Mediterranean Countries. Dodd, Mead and Co. 
The most recent and best of the great general histories. 

Cunningham. Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects: Ancient 
Times. Cambridge Univ. Press. Uniquely valuable for its point 
of vievir, which is ordinarily overlooked. Covers with special ful- 
ness the classical period. 

Classical Atlas. For Schools. Edited by G. B. Grundy. London: 
Murray. Promises to be the most artistic and accurate school atlas 
published. 

Seyffart. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Ed. Nettleship and 
Sandys. Macmillan. 

Harper's. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Harper and Bros. 

TozER. Classical Geography (Literature Primers). American Book 
Co. 

II. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 

Harper. Assyrian and Babylonian Literature. Appleton. A useful 
collection of accurate translations from these ancient documents. 

Records of the Past. First Series, 12 vols. Second Series, 6 vols. 
(New York : Pott.) Translations from Egyptian and Babylonian- 
Assyrian documents by various hands. An excellent series. 

Maspero. History of the Ancient East. i. The Dawn of Civilization. 
2. The Struggle of the Nations. 3. The Passing of the Empires. 
3 vols. Appleton. 

A most elaborate work by an excellent scholar. Full of illustra- 
tions. Costly but of great usefulness for school study. 

McCurdy. History, Prophecy and the Monuments. 3 vols. Mac- 
millan. An elaborate survey of the Oriental world from the Hebrews 
as a centre. Learned and instructive. 

449 



450 Appendix I 

Encyclopedia Bihlica, edited by Cheyne and Black. 4 vols. Mac- 
millan. Dictionary of the Bible, edited by J. Hastings. 4 vols. 
Scribners. 

These latest Bible dictionaries have elaborate and valuable 
articles and maps dealing with the ancient Oriental peoples. 

Rawlinson. The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World. 
3 vols. Scribners. Always entertaining and useful, but now 
largely antiquated by the advance of knowledge. 

Rogers. History of Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Eaton and 
Mains. Besides a good historical survey the book has an elaborate 
introduction deahng with the history of excavation and the decipher- 
ment of inscriptions. 

Rawlinson. History of Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. Scribners. 

Paton. The Early History of Syria and Palestine. Scribners. An 
admirable Httle book, well constructed and accurate. 

Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. His- 
tory of Art in Ancient Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Dodd, 
Mead and Co. These are the best works on ancient Oriental art, 
fully illustrated. They are costly, but fully repay constant con- 
sultation. The same is true of the other works of these authors. 

Erman. Life in Ancient Egypt. Macmillan. The best book on 
Egyptian antiquities. 

Jastrow. The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Ginn and Co. The 
standard treatise on this subject. 

Steindorff. The Religion of Ancient Egypt. Putnams. An excellent 
survey by a competent scholar. 

HI. THE GREEK EMPIRES 

Aristotle. On the Constitution of Athens. Translated by Kenyon. 

Macmillan. 
Homer. Iliad. Translated by Lang, Leaf and Myers. Odyssey. 

Translated by Butcher and Lang. Macmillan. Excellent prose 

versions. 
Herodotus. Translated by Rawlinson, edited by Grant. 2 vols. 

Scribners. 
Thucydides. Translated by Jowett. Clarendon Press. 
Xenophon. Works. Translated by Dakyns. Macmillan. These 

are the best translations, but in the Bohn series others may be ob- 
tained at less expense. 
Plato. Socrates. A translation of the Apology, Crito and Parts of the 

Phaedo of Plato. Scribners. 



Appendicc I 451 



SovROCh^s, Antigone. Prose translation by G. H. Palmer. Houghton, 
Miflflin and Co. Works. In Prose, translated by Coleridge. Bell. 

^SCHYLUS. Translated by Plumptre. D. C. Heath and Co. 

Euripides. Translated into prose by Coleridge. Bell. In verse by 
Way. Macmillan. 

Aristophanes. Translated by Frere ("Acharnians," "Knights," 
"Birds" in Morley's Universal Library). Routledge. 5 vols. 

Demosthenes. 5 vols. Translated by Kennedy. Macmillan. On 
the Crown. Translated by Collier. Longmans. 

CuRTius. History of Greece. 5 vols. Scribners. 

Holm. History of Greece. 4 vols. Macmillan. 

Curtius and Holm are very different in point of view and treat- 
ment. Curtius emphasizes the lesthetic; Holm the political. Cur- 
tius is the more interesting; Holm is more recent and hence more 
accurate and satisfactory. 

DURUY. History of Greece. Dana Estes and Co. Profusely illustrated 
and written with French clearness and grace. Not, however, the 
work of a great scholar. 

TsouNTAS AND Manatt. The Mycencean Age. Houghton, Miflflin 
and Co. A thorough discussion of recent discoveries in primitive 
Greece (up to 1897). 

Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Primitive Greece. 2 vols. 
Practically a discussion of Mycenaean Civilization. 

ScHUCKARDT. Schlientann's Excavations. Macmillan. 

Grant. Greece in the Age of Pericles. Scribners. 

Mahaffy. Social Life in Greece. Macmillan. 

" Greek Life and Thought from Alexander to the Roman Con- 

quest. Macmillan. 
** The Greek World under Roman Sway. Macmillan. 

Mahaffy's books are stimulating, full of learning, sometimes rather 
opinionated. 

Hogarth. Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Scribners. A stirring 
exposition of the ideals and achievements of these heroes. Espe- 
cially appreciative of Philip. 

Wheeler. Alexander the Great. Putnams. The best life of Alexander, 
well illustrated. 

Mahaffy. The Ptolemaic Dynasty. Vol. 4 of Petrie's History of 
Egypt. Scribners. A singularly vivid and strong picture of this 
remarkable age. 

Freeman. History of Federal Government. Macmillan. One of 
Freeman's best works. Deals in great detail with the Achaean and 
Italian Leagues. 



452 Appendix I 

Gardner, E. A. Ancient Athens. Macmillan. The work of an expert 

in Greek art and archseology. 

" A hand-book oj Greek Sculpture. Macmillan. 

DiEHL. Excursions in Greece. Grevel. 

Becker. Charicles. Longmans. This time-honored scholastic tale 

of ancient Greece is still useful for reference. 
Marshall. A Short History of Greek Philosophy. 
Dyer. The Gods in Greece. Macmillan. 
Davidson. Education of the Greek People. Appletons. 
Jebb. Classical Greek Poetry. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
Symonds. Studies in the Greek Poets. Macmillan. 

The above are five excellent works on the phases of Greek 
civilization indicated by their titles. 



IV. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 

LrvY. Translated by Spillan. 4 vols. Bohn. 

Tacitus. Translated by Church and Brodribb. 2 vols. Macmillan. 

PoLYBius. Translated by Shuckburgh. 2 vols. Macmillan. 

Appian. Translated by White. 2 vols. Macmillan. 

Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European His- 
tory, Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, Vol. 5. 
No. I. Monumentum Ancyranum, The Deeds of Augustus. 

Cicero. Letters. Translated by Shuckburgh. Bohn. 
** Works. Translated in Bohn's Library. 

Lucretius. Translated into prose by Munro. Bell. 

Vergil. Translated into prose by Bryce. 2 vols. Bell. 

Horace. Translated by Martin. 2 vols. Scribners. Or, into prose 
by Lonsdale and Lee. Macmillan. 

Ovid. Translated by Riley. Bohn. 

Juvenal. Translated by Gifford. Bohn. 

Marcus Aurelius. Meditations. Translated with introduction by 
Rendall. Macmillan. 

Mommsen. a History of Rome. 5 vols. Scribners. 

" The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 2 vols. Scribners. 

These seven volumes contain Vols. 1-3 and 5 of the German 
original. The fourth volume of the History, covering the period 
from Julius Caesar to Augustus, was left unwritten. 

DuRUY. History of Rome. 8 vols. Dana Estes and Co. Of the 
same character as his History of Greece. 



Appendix I 453 



Pelham. Outlines oj Roman History. Putnams. The most analytic 

and scholarly one-volume history. Too advanced for the elemen- 
tary student. Reaches to a.d. 476. 
Strachan-Davidson. Cicero. Putnams. 
Fowler. Ccesar. Putnams. 

Two excellent volumes in the series "Heroes of the Nations." 
Merivale. History of the Romans under the Empire. 6 vols. Ap- 

pletons. From Augustus to the Antonincs. Not a great v^ork, 

but clear, in full detail and interesting. 
Gibbon. Decline and Fall 0} the Roman Empire. Edited by Bury. 

7 vols. Scribners. 
Firth. Augustus CcEsar. Putnams. 
Shuckburgh. Augustus. Fisher Unwin. 

Two useful lives of the first Roman emperor. 
Bury. The Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
HoDGKiN. Italy and Her Invaders. 7 vols. Clarendon Press. 

" Theodoric. Putnams. 

" Charles the Great. Macmillan. 

Bryce. The Holy Roman Empire. Macmillan. Of great value for 

the closing epoch of Ancient History. 
Johnstone. Mohammed and his Power. Scribners. 
Macdonald. Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and 

Constitutional Theory. Scribners. 

The above two useful works in small compass cover the whole 

field of Mohammedan history, life and thought. 
Greenidge. Roman Public Life. Macmillan. Fuller than Abbott's 

Roman Political Institutions, scholarly, valuable. 
Arnold. Roman Provincial Administration. Macmillan. A standard 

authority. 
Ramsay. The Church in the Roman Empire before a.d. 170. Putnams. 

A stimulating discussion by an unusually competent scholar. 
Uhlhorn. Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. Scribners. 
Stanley. History of the Eastern Church. Scribners. Vivid pictures 

of the relations of the Church and the Empire in the fourth and 

fifth centuries. 
Lecky. History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne. 

2 vols. Appletons. 
Inge. Society in Rome under the Ccesars. Scribners. 
Preston and Dodge. Private Life of the Romans. Leach. 
Thomas. Roman Life under the Ccesars. Putnams. 
Dill. Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire. 

Macmillan. 



454 Appendix I 



The above four works are excellent hand-books on the society 
of the periods with which they deal. 
Lanciani. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Hough- 
ton, Mifflin and Co. 
" Ruins and Excavations 0} Ancient Rome. Houghton, 

Mifflin and Co. 
GUHL AND KoNER. Life o} the Greeks and Romans. Scribners. 
Hill. Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins. Macmillan. 
Fowler. Roman Festivals. Macmillan. 

The above are two excellent scholarly manuals on these subjects. 
Becker. Gallus. Longmans. Of the same character as his Chari- 

cles. 
Mau. Pompeii, Its Life and Art. Macmillan. 
WiCKHOFF. Roman Art. Macmillan. 

Anderson and Spiers. The Architecture of Greece and Rome. Bots- 
ford. 

The best volume on this subject. 
Cruttwell. Roman Literature. Putnams. 
Lawton. Introduction to Classical Latin Literature. Scribners. 
Sellar. Roman Poets of the Augustan Age. Clarendon Press. 

Cruttwell is very full, Lawton more popular, Sellar a standard 
treatise on its theme. 



APPENDIX II 

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATE I. The Parthenon and its Frieze.— The attempt is 
made in this plate to reproduce the effect wrought by the use of 
color on Greek temples. It is taken from Fenger's work on the 
subject. We are looking at the northeast corner of the Parthenon. 
(See Plate VII and § 182.) The top of the Doric column is impres- 
sively shown. The sculptured "metopes" in high relief represent 
various scenes, the meaning of which is doubtful. On the right 
side is a knight in battle array and a combat between footmen. On 
the other side are female figures. The refinement, coupled with 
vigor in the pose and execution of the figures, should be marked. 
At the bottom of the plate the portion of the frieze pictured is taken 
from that upon the east side of the building. From the right the 
procession of maidens bearing sacrificial vessels is advancing toward 
a group of men conversing. These are presumably the archons 
of the city. To the left, seated facing them, are the gods and god- 
desses. The one farthest to the left has been identified with Posei- 
don, next to him in order are Dionysus, Demeter ( ?), Aphrodite with 
Eros at her knee. On the sculptures of the Parthenon, see Tarbell, 
ch. 8, and Gardner, Ancient Athens, ch. 7. 

PLATE II. Typical Oriental Heads.— i. The portrait of 
Hammurabi stands on a limestone slab found near the site of ancient 
Agade (§ 13). The king is in the attitude of adoration with hands 
uplifted. Study the cap, the hair and the beard as illustrating the 
style of dress. 2. The head of Rameses II is taken from his mummy 
now in the Museum at Cairo, Egypt. The remarkable profile 
betokens a man of imperious character. 3. The head of Esarhad- 
don, the Assyrian, is from a stone tablet found in Syria. The 
conical cap betokens royalty. The curled beard and hair are 
characteristic of Assyrian-Babylonian style, and may be compared 
with those of head i. The king holds in his uplifted hand an object 

455 



456 Appendix II 

which he is offering (?) to his god. The Semitic type of face is 
evident. 4. The Syrian head is equally Semitic. The thick shock 
of hair, bound with a fillet, and the beard are characteristic of the 
Syrian in distinction from the shaven Egyptian and the carefully 
barbered Assyrian. 5. The head of the Philistine illustrates by its 
unlikeness to the features of the other heads the non-Semitic charac- 
ter of this people. The helmet or head-dress (of feathers ?) is like- 
wise peculiar. 6. The Hittite is distinguishable from Semitic heads 
by nose and chin. The hair hangs in a pigtail and the eyes are 
oblique, suggestive of the Chinese. Heads 4, 5 and 6 are from 
Egyptian reliefs. Observe that all of these heads are in profile. Why 
was this characteristic of Oriental art? See Tarbell, pp. t^t,, 38-42. 
PLATE III. Painting from an Egyptian Tomb. — These pict- 
ures adorn the wall on the tomb of a noble in the time of the twelfth 
dynasty (§16). At the top is a hieroglyphic inscription giving the 
usual prayers for the dead. Following in order from top to bottom 
are represented (i) the making of sandals, (2) the making of arrows, 
chairs, and boxes, (3) goldsmiths' work, (4) the making of pottery, 
(5) the preparing of flax and the making of Hnen, (6) harvesting 
and threshing, (7) ploughing and sowing. The picturing of these on 
the wall of tomb, together with the sacred words above, was thought 
to assure to the dead the enjoyment of such things in the world to 
come. Besides the representation of Egyptian life here, the student 
has an excellent opportunity to study the merits and defects of 
Egyptian art. 

PLATE IV. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples.— a. This 
restoration of the temple at Nippur was made by Professor Hilprecht. 
As one passed through the great oblong tower-gate in the outer wall, 
he entered the outer court, measuring 260 by 260 feet, containing a 
small shrine. Through similar but greater gates the inner court 
was reached. There directly in front was the mighty stage-tower, 
its sides 190 by 128 feet. At the top of the tower was a shrine to 
the god. Besides the stage-tower was the temple proper, the "house 
of Bel." It consisted of one-story roofed chambers and open courts. 
Off to the right of the picture is one of the city-gates. In front of 
the temple area was the canal. 

h. The Egyptian temple lay along the Nile. Leading up to the 
entrance was a road bordered by sphynxes. In front of the gate 



Appendix II 457 

were two obelisks, symbolizing, perhaps, the rays of the sun-god, 
and some silting statues of the kings or gods. A square entrance, 
flanked by huge buttresses called pylons, admitted to the court, sur- 
rounded by a portico upheld by pillars. Through this was the 
passage by pylon gateways into a covered hall, thence into 
another pillared court. The "holy of holies," the shrine of the 
god, was in the low rooms at the rear of the long series of courts and 
halls. Thick high walls and lofty pylons shut off entrance except 
through the front of the temple. Light was admitted through the 
courts. The chambers were entirely dark. The length of the whole 
structure was over 790 feet, its width over 100 feet. 

PLATE V. Typical Assyrian Scenes. — a. This relief is cut 
from the surface of a limestone slab, and was one of a series which 
lined the walls of the Assyrian royal palace. King Ashurbanipal 
(§ 72) is galloping after a lion and in the act of discharging an arrow 
at him. An attendant follows with fresh javelins and arrows. The 
energy and life of the scene, as well as the subject, are typical. A 
study of the dress and, indeed, of the various objects represented, 
as well as of the excellences and defects of the pose, will reward 
the student with new light on Assyrian life and art. 

h. This relief represents the siege and assault of the city of Lachish 
by King Sennacherib (§ 72). See 2 Kings 18: 14. A breach has 
been made in the walls direcdy in front, where the Assyrian military 
engines are playing. Torches are being hurled down upon the 
besiegers; the fire is being put out with pans of water; archers are 
pouring clouds of arrows on the defenders. Scaling ladders are 
raised against the walls. In front, prisoners are impaled on stakes. 
From one of the towers captives are coming forth with their effects. 
The animation and variety of the scene are only equalled by the 
grotesqueness of the art. Try to get the artist's point of view and 
study the details of the scene for the collection of facts concerning 
ancient military life. 

PLATE VI. Gold Cups of the Mycen^an Age. — These cups 
were found at Vaphio in Laconia in 1888, and hence are called the 
Vaphio cups. The upper design represents a hunt of wild cattle. 
The centre one is caught in a net. On the right another is in full 
flight, while on the left a third has thrown one hunter and is goring 
another. In the lower design the bulls are tame and under the care 



458 Appendix II 

of a herdsman. The material is beaten gold. A sense of abounding 
life coupled with some crudity is the characteristic impression made 
by these works. See Tarbell, pp. 67-69; Tsountas and Manatt, 
pp. 227-228. 

PLATE VII. The Acropolis. — This restoration of the buildings 
on the Acropolis is, like all such attempts, probably not accurate, 
but it represents the general situation and relation of the different 
structures (§ 182). The entrance at the western end was by the 
Propylaea, at the head of which stood the colossal statue of Athene. 
To the right was the Temple of Victory. At the centre of the 
elevated platform the Parthenon lay on the right and the Erechtheum 
on the left. The Parthenon was entered at the eastern end. Other 
smaller temples filled up the enclosure. The Acropolis was about 
1,000 feet long by 500 feet wide; it was a sort of oval with its long 
axis lying east and west. (See Plan of Athens, p. 133.) 

PLATE VIII. The Hermes of Praxiteles. — This statue was 
found at Olympia in 1877. The god Hermes has the infant Diony- 
sus on his arm. The god's mantle is thrown over a tree-trunk and 
he stands with his body gracefully curved, its weight resting on the 
right leg and left arm. It would seem that the right arm held some- 
thing which was being offered to Dionysus. The material is Parian 
marble. The child is not successfully modelled, but the figure of 
Hermes is of extraordinary excellence. Forget the mutilation as 
far as possible, A special study should be given to the head. For 
a full description see Tarbell, pp. 221-223. 

PLATE IX. The Laocoon Group. — This group represents the 
scene described by Vergil in the ^Eneid (II, 199-233), where the 
priest Laocoon, advising against admitting the Trojan horse into 
Troy, is, with his sons, slain by serpents. It is a work of the school 
of Rhodes about 150 B.C. The exhibition of horror and agony is 
the salient feature of the work. The Laocoon has been variously 
judged. For examples, see Tarbell, pp. 264-267. 

PLATE X. The Alexander Mosaic. — This mosaic came 
from the floor of a room in the so-called house of the Faun in Pompeii. 
In the lower left-hand corner a portion of it has been broken away. 
It represents probably the battle of Issus (§ 258) at the point where 
Darius turns in his chariot to flee, and Alexander on horseback 
presses on in his charge. *' At the head of the Greek horsemen rides 



Appendix II 459 

Alexander, fearless, unhelmeted, leading a charge against the picked 
guard of Darius. The long spear of the terrible Macedonian is 
piercing the side of a Persian noble, whose horse sinks under him. 
The driver of Darius' s chariot is putting the lash to the horses, but 
the fleeing king turns with an expression of anguish and terror to 
witness the death of his courtier. ... The grouping of the 
combatants, the characterization of the individual figures, the 
skill with which the expressions upon the faces are rendered, and 
the delicacy of coloring, give this picture a high rank among ancient 
works of art." See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, p. 288. 

PLATE XI. Typical Greek Heads.— i. The first is taken from 
a full-length statue of Sophocles (§ 183). It is an ideal representa- 
tion of the poet, no doubt, but it is instructive as illustrating the 
Greek type. The arrangement of hair and beard should be noticed. 
The failure to work out the detail of the eye gives the aspect of 
blindness, and is a defect of Greek sculpture. Compare some 
modern statue in this respect. 2. The head of Pericles bears a 
helmet as a sign of leadership (§ 171). A calm, thoughtful, some- 
what reserved expression on the face is discernible. 3. The head 
of Socrates is noticeable for its originality, and offers some instruc- 
tive comparisons with the preceding. The breadth of the face 
contrasts with that of the others. 4- The head of Aphrodite is 
taken from the statue found in the island of Melos. The grace and 
purity of the face illustrate the Greek ideals of love and of woman. 
5. The head of Alexander is taken from a relief on a sarcophagus 
now in Constantinople. He wears a lion's head instead of a helmet, 
and the ram's horn appears, typical of his divine descent from the 
Egyptian god Amon. The characteristic Greek profile is instruc- 
tive. 6. The last head is taken from a Graeco-Egyptian portrait 
painted on a wooden panel placed in a grave along with the mummy 
and intended to represent the features of the dead. It is clear that 
the Greek in Egypt remained in all essential traits a Greek. The 
thin beard, the oval face, the large eye, the straight nose find their 
counterparts in the other heads. A golden wreath in the hair is 
exquisitely done. 

PLATE XII. Classical Temples.— a. The Greek temple at 
Psestum in southern Italy belongs to the sixth century B.C. It is, 
therefore, an early type. A double row of sturdy Doric columns 



460 Appendix II 

surrounds the shrine. The temple was built of limestone and 
covered with stucco. 

b. The Roman temple is a modification of the Greek. This 
temple, 59 by 117 feet, is surrounded by a single row of Corinthian 
columns 30 feet 6 inches in height. It dates, probably, from the 
time of Hadrian (a.d. 122). Changes in certain features of the 
temple of the Greek type can be clearly seen by comparison of these 
two structures. 

PLATE XIII. Typical Sculptured Figures. — a. The statue 
of Khafre is of green diorite, a very hard stone. The Pharaoh is 
seated on the royal chair in an attitude of regal composure and 
majesty. The head-dress, false beard and body garment are char- 
acteristically Egyptian. Special attention should be given to the 
face and the pose. The right leg of the statue is badly broken. 
In judging of Egyptian art the other specimens in Plates II and III 
should be taken into account, and also the examples in Tarbell, 
PP- 16-35. 

b. Posidippus was an Athenian playwright of the third century 
B.C., and the statue is a striking example of the portrait statuary 
of the period. The easy grace of the pose as well as the cultured 
refinement of the face and bearing are especially worthy of note. 
The student will be profited by a study of the dress, the chair, and 
other accessories. It would be well to compare these two figures 
with each other, and also the face of the Greek with those of the 
typical heads of Plate XL 

PLATE XIV. Typical Sculptured Figures. — a. The statue 
of Ashurnatsirpal is the only fully wrought Assyrian statue known. 
The king stands in royal majesty, his arms bare. The right hand 
holds a sceptre, the left a mace. The hair and beard as well as the 
royal dress deserve notice. See Goodspeed, History of the Babylo- 
nians and Assyrians, p. 202; Tarbell, pp. 40, 41. 

b. The statue of Trajan represents him, probably, in the act of 
addressing his soldiers. He wears a cuirass, and his mantle is draped 
over his shoulder and around his arm. A series of instructive com- 
parisons may be drawn between the two royal figures on this plate. 

PLATES X\^ and XVI. Typical Coins.— i. A coin of Lydia 
of the type of the Babylonian ''stater." One of the earliest known 
coins (§ 119). Date about 700 b.c. The material is electrum. 



Appendix II 461 

2. A Persian gold **daric " (§ 87) of Darius I. 3. A gold ''stater" 
of Mithridates of Pontus (§ 404). Here is the king himself repre- 
sented, with hair blown back as though he were driving a chariot. 
The reverse shows a stag feeding. A long period of growth in the 
artistic production of coins lies between 2 and 3. 4. Another Ori- 
ental gold coin, representing Queen Berenice of Egypt, wife of 
Ptolemy III. Both this and the preceding are noticeable because 
on them are portraits of the reigning monarchs. 5. A silver medal- 
lion of Syracuse. The coins of this city reached the highest artistic 
excellence. The head is that of Persephone surrounded by dol- 
phins. The reverse shows the victor in a chariot-race; over the 
chariot hovers Victory conferring the laurel. The design and work- 
manship of this coin are specially worthy of study. 6. A silver 
*' stater" of the Greek city of Amphipolis and dating about 400 B.C. 
The head of the god Apollo appears on the one side, and on the 
other a torch such as the racers bore. The god's head is remark- 
able for animation. 7. A silver " tetradrachm " of Athens, about 
550 B.C., earlier and ruder than the preceding. On the one side 
is the head of Athene, patron goddess of the city, on the other the 
olive branch and sacred owl. 8. A silver "shekel" of Judaea in the 
time of Simon Maccabaeus (§374). A cup, a pot of manna and 
triple lily are the emblems, and the letters signify "shekel of Israel," 
and "Jerusalem the holy." 9. A bronze "sestertius" of Nero. 
The emperor appears on horseback armed with a spear and accom- 
panied by a mounted soldier carrying a banner. 10. A silver coin 
of the Roman Republic about 100 B.C. The head of Roma, Victory 
in a chariot and an ear of corn are represented. The name of the 
official who coined the piece also appears. 11. A gold "solidus" 
of the Emperor Honorius (§497) from Ravenna. The portrait of the 
emperor is given in the style characteristic of this late age. He 
wears the diadem and holds the sceptre. 12. A bronze "sestertius" 
of Antoninus Pius (§ 465). An excellent wreathed portrait-head 
of the emperor stands on one side; on the other is Roma with the 
palladium, and the inscription "Roma aetema." 13. A silver coin 
of Augustus (§ 426). The emperor appears on the one side; on 
the other, one of his favorite symbols, the Sphynx. 14. A silver 
"denarius" of the Republic (99-94 B.C.). The bust of Roma 
appears. On the other side are three citizens engaged in voting— a 



462 Appendix II 

typical scene. 15. A silver "argenteus" of the Emperor Caracalla 
(§ 478). His portrait, with his head surrounded with the sun's rays, 
is characteristic of the time. (See § 482.) 16. A bronze "as" of 
Rome, weighing one and one-fifth ounces. The symbols are the 
head of the god Janus and the prow of a galley. The date is just 
before 217 B.C. The symbols are characteristic in view of the 
date. Why? (See § 360.) 

PLATE XVII. The Roman Forum.— This plate represents 
the Forum and its surroundings in the imperial period. The Forum 
itself was never very large (§ 307) and was early surrounded by 
buildings and filled with statues. At the upper end into which we 
look stood the Rostra. The various public buildings are named 
upon the plate itself. A plate representing the Forum at the present 
day will be found in Morey, Roman History, frontispiece. 

PLATE XVIII. Typical Roman Heads.— i. The striking head 
of Julius Caesar is that of a man of force and ideas. The high fore- 
head, the prominent cheek-bones, the firm mouth and thin lips 
reveal the general and the statesman. He is also the typical Roman 
patrician. The sculptor evidently sought to produce an exact 
likeness. 2. Cicero is the typical urbane and cultivated Roman 
of the middle class. His face has a strikingly modern character, 
being distinctively Roman, perhaps, in its dignity and the traces 
of sternness. The chin and nose of both these typical Romans 
are noteworthy. 3. Vespasian's head illustrates exactly that of 
the Roman peasant, honest, unyielding, practical. Notice the 
cropped hair, thick neck and decided mouth. 4. Hadrian's head 
and hair are characteristic of the ruler of the later imperial age. His 
face is of the western type, yet not Roman. 5. Faustina, the wife 
of Marcus Aurelius, is the typical Roman matron. The features 
are strong and simple without the ideal grace of the Greek type. 
Such a woman would naturally accompany her husband on his 
campaigns. Notice the dressing of the hair. 6. The bust of Com- 
modus represents him as Hercules. The characteristic club is in 
his hand and the lion's skin on his head. The curling beard and 
hair, and, indeed, the whole representation, disclose the vain and 
frivolous weakling. It is a long step from Julius Caesar to Com- 
modus. The artistic skill of the sculptor is worthy of notice. 

PLATE XIX. Relief from the Arch of Titus.— The Arch of 



Appendix II 463 

Titus commemorated his victory over the Jews and the capture of 
Jerusalem (§447)- It stood on the Sacred Way. Unlike the Arch 
of Constantine (Plate XXIII), it had but one central archway and 
within the vault of this was the relief of our plate. A group of 
soldiers lead captives and bear the spoils of the Jewish temple. The 
golden table of the shewbread and the seven-armed golden candle- 
stick are prominent among them. Laurels crown the heads of the 
soldiers and they carry Roman military standards. The work is of 
Pentelic marble, and testifies to the artistic taste and skill of the 
time. 

PLATE XX. Early Christian Art.— These scenes from the 
life of Jonah were painted on the walls of a chamber ?n the Cata- 
combs. They are dated about the beginning of the third century 
A.D. They are notable not merely for the crudity of their execution, 
but also for the religious symbolism which they set forth. The 
experiences of Jonah had a twofold meaning for the Christian: 
(i) they were types of the death and resurrection of Jesus (Matt. 
12:39-49), and (2) they encouraged the persecuted believers to 
persevere in the trials of the present life and hope for the life to come. 
The "great fish" is thought to be copied after the dragon that 
figures in Graeco-Roman mythology, for example, in the story of 
Andromeda, representations of which in the art of the time were 
not uncommon. The symbolism of this picture is further carried 
out by the mast and yard of the ship which are arranged to form a 
cross. 

PLATE XXL Room from the House of the Vettii.— The 
House of the Vettii at Pompeii was unearthed in 1894, and contains 
some of the best preserved memorials of Pompeian art. This room, 
one of the two dining-rooms, with its variegated marble work, its 
paintings and its frescoes, illustrates notably the character of the 
better Roman house of the time. The subjects of the paintings 
are taken from Graeco-Roman mythology. On the right is Bacchus 
coming on the sleeping Ariadne. On the left are Dsdalus and 
Pasiphae. The subject of the painting facing us is the punishment 
of Ixion. Hermes, who has brought Ixion, is in front, at his feet a 
veiled figure. To the right is the goddess Hera, and on the left 
Hephaestus has just fastened Ixion to the wheel. See Mau, 
Pompeii, its Life and Art, pp. 333-334- 



464 Appendix II 

PLATE XXII. Relief from Trajan's Column. — The Column 
of Trajan stood in his Forum (Plate XVII). It was 128 feet high 
and was surmounted by a statue of the emperor twenty feet high. 
A spiral staircase of 185 steps led to the top. Around the column 
wound a series of bronze rehefs in twenty-three tiers representing 
scenes in the Dacian war (§ 468). The reliefs contained 2,500 
figures. In the centre of this rehef appears Trajan receiving from 
his soldiers the heads of Dacian spies. To the left a siege is going 
on, Roman soldiers advancing to the assault under a testudo. 
Observe carefully the dress and weapons of the soldiers. 

PLATE XXIII. Typical Roman Architecture.— a. The 
highly decorative character of this arch is at once evident. Some 
of the adornments were taken from other monuments, for example, 
the four great statues and some reliefs from an arch of Trajan. At 
the top were originally a chariot and horses, and statues. The 
arch was built in a.d. 315 to commemorate the victory of Con- 
stantine over Maxentius in 312. Its proportions are fine and its 
adaptations of Greek architecture are instructive. Compare it with 
the Arch of Titus and consider whether it does not lack dignity 
in comparison with that. See Seignobos, p. 322. 

h. This aqueduct is a remarkable union of simplicity, strength 
and beauty. Its length is 882 feet, its height 162 feet. The water 
channel above is covered with large slabs of stone about fourteen 
feet wide. The character of Roman engineering and architectural 
work is most fully illustrated by it. It was built for the needs of a 
Gallic city, the like of which, in size and importance, were to be 
found scattered all over the Roman Empire. The various features 
of it will reward study. 

PLATE XXIV. Christ Enthroned.— This fresco stands over 
one of the doors in the Mosque of St. Sophia in Constantinople, 
once a Christian church (§ 502). Christ sits on his throne raising 
his hand in blessing. On either side are Mary, his mother, and 
Michael, the archangel. Before him lowly kneeling is the emperor 
in the attitude of a subject. By some this figure is said to be the 
Emperor Justinian (§ 501). The Greek words signify "Peace be 
unto you. I am the light of the world." Study both subject and 
style of execution as characteristic of Byzantine art and the times 
in which it arose. 



GENERAL INDEX 

The references are to pages, not sections. Pronunciation 
is indicated by accenting the proper syllable. A few diacrit- 
ical marks and abbreviations are employed: — e.g.,/. indicates 
''following page";^, "following pages"; ;/., "notes"; along 
mark over a letter shows that it is to be pronounced ; an italic- 
ized letter is silent. 



Academy, 196. 

Acan'thus, 166. 

Acarna'nia, 197. 

Achae'an cities, 155. 

Achae'an League, 226; struggle with 

Macedonia, 233 f.; relations to 

Rome, 312, 314; dissolved, 316. 
Achemen'idae, 215. 
Achil'les, 86, 89. 
Acrop'olis, of Athens, 107, 148. 
Ac'tium, 360. 
Adoption, in ancient East, 19; at 

Rome, 294. 
^'gae, 197. 
^gal'eos, mt., 126. 
iEga'tes islands, 303. 
JEge'an sea, 40, 44. 
^gi'na, 85, 95, 154. 
^gospot'ami, 177. 
^mil'ius Paul'us, 313. 
^ne'as, 254. 
.fEne'id, 367. 

iE'oIus, and the ^olians, 93. 
yEqui, 270, 273. 
iEs'chylus, 129, 149, 151. 
A-e'tius, 428. 
^to'lia, 197. 
-^tolian League, 226, 229, 234, 

312 f. 
Africa, provinces of, 378. 
A'gade, city, 11; empire of, 29. 
Agamem'non, 86. 



Agath'ocles, 228, 301. 

Agesila'us, 184 f. 

Agrarian problem in Greece, 99, 
108 f.. Ill, 147, 156; at Rome, 
275, 283 f., 285 f., 334, 336. 

Agric'ola, 381, 404. 

Agriculture, in ancient East, 14; at 
Rome, 290, 320. 

A'gri Decuma'tes, 381. 

Agrip'pa, 368, 371 f. 

A'haz, 54. 

Alaman'ni, 409, 427, 435. 

Al'aric, 427 f. 

Al'ba Lon'ga, 255 f. 

Alcae'us, 96. 

Alcibi'ades, 172 ff., 178. 

Alcmaeon'idae, 108, 112, 139. 

Alc'man, 96. 

Alexander, youth and training, 208; 
campaigns in Greece, 209; inva- 
sion of Persia, 209 flf.; development 
of plans, 215; lord of Persia, 215; 
organization of Empire, 216 flf., 
219; world-ruler, 217; death, 218; 
characterization, 218 f.; Alexander 
II, 222 f. 

Alexandria, in Egypt, 213; Egyptian 
Alexandria under the Ptolemies, 
231 if.; Christianity in, 415, 424; 
other Alexandrias, 219. 

Al'lia, 280. 

Alphabet, 20, 45, 95. 



465 



466 



General Indeoo 



Alps, Hannibal's passage of, 304. 

Am'asis, king of Egypt, 91. 

Ambra'cia, 197. 

Am'brose, 425. 

Am'monites, 7. 

Amon, god of Egypt, 35, 39; Alex- 
ander and, 214. 

Amphict'yony, 94; the leading ones, 
94; and Philip of Macedon, 200, 
203. 

Amphip'olis, 166, 199. 

Amphitheatre, 387 f. 

Amusements, in ancient East, 23; in 
Greece, 94,96, in, 129, 147, 149 f., 
152; at Rome, 292, 324; under the 
Empire, 386 ff. 

Anab'asis, of Cyrus, 185. 

Anac'reon, 96. 

Anaxag'oras, 168 f. 

Anaxim'enes, 97. 

Ancestor worship, 259. 

Ancient history, defined, i; value of 
studying, i; extent of, 3; earliest 
seats of, 5; development of, 3; 
divisions of, 3; end of, 426 f., 

445- 
Ancus Mar'tius, 255. 
Androni'cus, 326. 
Angles and Saxons, 440. 
Antal'cidas, 185. 
Antig'one, 149. 

Antig'onus, 222 f.; Gonatas, 233. 
An'tioch, 230. 
Anti'ochus I, 230; III, 312 f.; IV, 

314. 
Antip'ater, 209, 210 f,, 225. 
Antoni'nus Pius, 397, 399. 
Anto'nius, M., the orator, 327; the 

triumvir (Antony), 359 f. 
Ap'ennine, mts., 241. 
Aphrodi'te, 88. 

Apol'lo, 88 f.; at Delphi, 90 f., 93. 
Ap'pian Way, 251, 299. 
Ap'pius Claud'ius, the censor, 284, 

299. 
A'quae Sex'tiae, 337. 
Aqueduct, 297, 299, 389. 
Ara'bia, 6; province of, 401. 
Arabians, invade Babylonia, 12. 



Arame'ans, orin;inal home, 6; in- 
vasions by, 43, 52; kingdom at 
Damascus, 49 f. 

Ara'tus, 234. 

Arbe'la, 51, 214. 

Arcadia, early history, 106; de- 
mocracy in, 136; united by Thebes, 
189. 

Arca'dius, 427. 

Archbishop, 414. 

Archil'ochus, 96. 

Architecture, in ancient East, 23; 
Egyptian, 38; Assyrian, 55; Per- 
sian, 64; Greek, 149; Roman, 297, 
327; in Augustan age, 368; in 
first century A.D., 389; in second 
century, 403 f.; in third century, 
413; in Justinian's time, 431. 

Ar'chon, official at Athens, 108, 120, 

137- 
Areop'agus, council of, 108, no; 

decline of, 137. 
A'res, 88. 
Arginu'sfe, 177. 
Ar'go, 87. 
Ar'gos, early history, 106; in Persian 

wars, 118, 122; democracy at, 136; 

takes part in Peloponnesian War, 

173- 

Ari'on, 102. 

Aristi'des, 121, 126. 

Aristocracy, in Orient, 16; in early 
Greece, 83; decline of, 99 f.; in 
Athens, 107 f.; revival in Greece, 
181; at Rome, 253 f., 264 f., 268 f., 
274 f.; becomes oligarchy, 284 f.; 
the nobility, 321 f.; under the Em- 
pire, 380, 383; Frankish, 436. 

Aristoph'anes, 168. 

Ar'istotle, 208, 224. 

A'rius and A'rians, 422 n., 423 f. 

Arme'nia, 52; and Rome, 345, 401. 

Armin'ius, 371. 

Army. See "Warfare." 

Ar'no, 242. 

Arsa'ces, 231. 

Art, in ancient East, 23; in Mycen- 
aean Greece, 78; in Periclean 
Athens, 148; in the fourth century 



General Index 



467 



B.C., 193 f-; at Rome, 297, 327, 
389; early Christian, 415; Byzan- 
tine, 431. See "Architecture," 
"Sculpture." 
Artaba'zus, 128. 
Artaxer'xes I, 176; II, 184; III, 190, 

210. 
Ar'temis, 88. 
Artemis'ium, 124. 
As, 291. 
Ash'dod, 46 n. 
Ashurban'ipal, 53; rebellion against, 

54; death, 56. 
Ashurna'tsirpal, 5?. 
Asia, province of, 317, 340 f. 
Asia Minor, 36, 40, 52, 90. 
As'kelon, 46 n. 

Assemblies, in Greece, 83 f.; in 
Sparta, 105; in Athens, 108, no, 
137 ff., 167; at Rome, 254, 269, 
275, 277, 283, 296, 332, 335, 341, 
362, 400,417; provincial, 394- See 
"Comitia." 
As'sur, city, 32. 

Assyr'ia, 6, 32; physical features, 51; 
kingdom, 32; empire, 51-57; or- 
ganization, 53; civilization, 55 f.; 
contribution to history, 56; fall, 
56; Roman province of, 401. 
Astronomy, 24, 97. See "Science." 
Athana'sius, 424. 
Athe'ne, goddess of Athens, 85, 88, 

107, 149 f. 
Athens, geographical position and 
people, 107; early organization, 
107 f.; lav^-givers, Draco, 108 f.; 
Solon, 109 f.; tyranny of Pisistra- 
tus and its fall, no f.; legislation 
of Cleisthenes, 112 f.; early ex- 
pansion, 109 f.; comes in contact 
with Persia, 118; change in politi- 
cal policy under Themistocles, 
121; destroyed by Persians, 125; 
rebuilt, 127; after Persian wars, 
132; progress under Themistocles^ 
133 f.; fortified, 133; growth of 
Imperialism, 135; population, 141; 
the citizen of, 152; income, 153; 
politics under Pericles, 153 ff.; de- 



cline of land empire, 155; thirty 
years' peace, 155; expeditions 
against Persia, 155; empire of, 
156 f.; interferes between Corinth 
and Corcyra, 159; war with Sparta, 
160 ff.; plague at, 163; parties at, 
163; end of first period of war, 
166; spirit of the people during the 
war, 167 ff.; expedition against 
Syracuse, 174; in third period of 
war, 175 f.; surrender of, 177; glory 
and weakness in the war, 178 f.; 
second naval league, 189 f.; intel- 
lectual splendor in fourth century, 
194 ff., 223 f.; relations to PhiUp, 
201 ff.; to Alexander, 209, 223; 
Hterature in third century, 234 f. 

Ath'esis, 242. 

Athos, mt., 119, 122. 

A'trium. See "House." 

At'talus, 229. 

At'tica, 107. 

At'tila, 428. 

Au'gur, 261. 

Augusta'les, 363. 

Aug'ustine, 438 f. 

Augus'tus, his problem, 360; solu- 
tion of it, 361 f.; provincial ad- 
ministration, 363; foreign policy, 
364 f., 371; defects in his scheme 
of administration, 370 f .; achieve- 
ment, 373. 

Aure'lian, 412. 

Aure'lius, Marcus, 397, 399, 402, 406. 

Aus'pices, 261, 332. 

Austra'sia, 436. 

A'vars, 431. 

Av'entine hill, 251 f. 

Bab'ylon, 11; under Nebuchadrezzar, 

59; Alexander at, 217. 
Babylo'nia, physical features of, 5; 

first kingdoms in, 11; why so 

called, 12; early empire of, 30 f.; 

New Babylonian Empire, 58 f. 
Bac'chus, 330. 
Bac'tria, 61, 231. 

Balea'ric islands, Phoenicians in, 44. 
Bath, at Rome, 388. 



468 



General Index 



Baltic sea, 79. 

Bardi'ya, 61 f. 

Bel, god of Babylonia, 11, 26. 

Belisa'rius, 431. 

Beneven'tum, 229, 283. 

Bi'as, 98. 

Bible, 438. 

Bishop, 395 n.,4i4; of Rome, 414 f. 
See "Papacy." 

Bithyn'ia, 345- 

Black sea, 90. 

Boe-o'tia, in Persian wars, 122, 124, 
127; democracy in, 136; compli- 
cations with Athens, 155. 

Bon'iface, 440 f. 

Book of the Dead, 27. 

Bos'phorus, 420. 

Bou'le, of Athens, no, 113, 137. 

Bras'idas, 165 f. 

Bren'nus, 280. 

Bribery at Rome, 329, 332. 

Britain, Phoenicians in, 44; Csesar 
in, 348; under Claudius, 378; 
under Flavians, 381; Anglo-Sax- 
ons in, 440. 

Bru'tus, 350, 360. 

Burgundians, 427, 436. 

Bur'rus, 376. 

Business, Greek, 144. See "Mer- 
chant," "Industry." 

Byz'antine art, 431. 

Byzan'tium, 90, 420. 

Cadmei'a, 186. 

Cas'lian hill, 251, 253. 

Caerit'ian right, 285 n. 

Caesar, Caius Julius, his rise, 344; 
first triumvirate, 346; in Gaul, 
346 ff.; conflict with Senate and 
Pompey, 348 f.; death, 350; his 
measures, 350 f.; as a writer, 353; 
his work and personality estimated, 

354- 
Caesar, the title, 380, 416. 
Caesar-worship, 368, 393. 
Ca'lah, 51. 

Calendar, 24, 290, 297, 352. 
Calig'ula, 375 n. 
Ca'liphs, 435. 



Cal'lias, 155 f. 

Callis'thenes, 216. 

Camby'ses, 61 f, 

CamU'lus, 272, 280. 

Campa'nia, 281. 

Cam'pus Mar'tius, 252. 

Ca'naonites, 7, 47. 

Canary islands, Phoenicians in, 44. 

Can'nae, 305. 

Canvilei'an law, 278. 

CapitaUsm, at Athens, 141, 143; at 

Rome, 308, 320 ff., 328 fif. 
Cap'itoline hill, 251, 260. 
Cap're^, 375. 
Cap'ua, 305. 
Caracal'la, 410 f. 
Car'men Secula're, 368. 
Carthage, founding of, 45; com- 
merce of, 45; in Sicily, 90, 182 f., 
227 f.; expansion in the West, 
300 f.; early relations to Rome, 
301; wars with Rome, 301 fif.; 
becomes a dependent ally, 306; 
destroyed, 316; Caesar's colony 
at, 351- 
Caspian sea, 53, 61. 
Cassan'der, 222 f. 
Cas'sius, Spurius, 269, 274 f.; Gaius, 

350, 360. 
Catalaun'ian Fields, 428. 
Cat'iline, 344 f. 
Cato the Elder, as writer, 327; as 

censor, 330. 
Catul'lus, 352. 
Cau'dine Forks, 282. 
Cavalry, Persian, 63, 128; Mace- 
donian, 199; Roman, 262, 288. 
Ce'crops, 84. 
Celts. See "Kelts." 
Cen'sor, 274, 296; under Flavian 

Caesars, 380. 
Cen'sus, under the Empire, 364. 
Centuries, 262. 
Cephis'sus, 107. 
Ce'res, 259. 
Chaeronei'a, 203. 
Chalcid'ice, 198. 
Chal'cis, 85, 86. 
Chalons', 428. 



General Index 



469 



Char'lemagne {main), his person- 
ality, 443; achievements, 443 f.; 
emperor, 444; significance, 444 f. 

Charles Martel', 437, 441. 

Charon'das, 100. 

Chei'lon, 98. 

Children, 19, 55, 63, 104, 146, 293 f. 
See "Education." 

China, 79. 

Chi'os, 85. 

Christianity, founded, 369; begin- 
nings of, 394 f.; persecutions, 395 f., 
406, 419; growth in unity, 407, 
414 f., 423; and power, 437; tol- 
eration of, 419; recognition of by 
Constantine, 421 f.; in the cities, 
423 n.; religion of the Empire, 
424; Julian's attack, 424; as an 
imperial power, 437 f.; the mo- 
nastic movement, 438; leaders in 
fourth century, 437 f.; and the 
barbarians, 440; and the Franks, 
440 ff. See ''Papacy." 

Chronology, eras of, 94, 230, 254 n., 

369- 

Chrys'ostom, 437. 

Cic'ero, his rise and ideals, 344; and 
Catiline, 345; banished and re- 
called, 347; as an orator and 
writer, 353; death, 360. 

Cilic'ia, 90, 345. 

Cim'bri, 337. 

Cimin'ian forest, 281. 

Ci'mon, 135 f., 137, 155. 

Cincinna'tus, 273. 

Cin'na, 340. 

Circus Max'imus, 252, 257, 293, 387. 

Cisal'pine Gaul, 303, 339. 

Ciths'ron, 107. 

Citizen. See "Common People," 
"Franchise." 

"City of God," 439. 

City-state, in Orient, 11; in Greece. 
84; culmination in Greece, 141, 
152; Rome, 246, 254. 342. 

Civilization. See "Society." 

Claudius, 375, 377 f. 

Clazom'enai, 186. 

Cleis'thenes, 1 1 2 ; his legislation, 1 1 2 f . 



Cleobu'lus, 98. 

Cleom'brotus, 125, 187. 

Cleom'enes, 112, 234. 

Cle'on, 164 fif. 

Cleopat'ra, 349, 360. 

Cler'uchi, 156. 

Client, Roman, in early period, 262; 
in the imperial period, 383. 

Cli'tus, 216. 

Clo'dius, 347. 

Clo'vis, 435 f., 441. 

Clu'sium, 271. 

Cni'dos, 185. 

Cnos'sos, 79. 

Code of Hammurabi, 30; of Moses, 
47; of Justinian, 431 f. 

Coinage, of Persian Empire, 62; in 
Greece, 95, 106, 143; at Rome, 
291, 418. See "Exchange." 

Colisse'um, 387, 389. 

Collati'nus, 264. 

Colo'ni, 413, 433. 

Colony, in Egyptian Empire, 36; of 
Phoenicians, 45; of Greeks, 89 f.; 
Roman, 285; Latin.. 286; failure 
at Rome, 332; Caesar's colonies, 
351; imperial colonies, 413. 

Col'ophon, 85. 

Comedy, at Athens, in, 167, 235; 
at Rome, 326. 

Comit'ia, meeting of, 296; under 
empire, 362, 377, 400, 417; Cur- 
ia'ta, 254, 269; Centuria'ta, 269, 
285, 332; Tribu'ta, 277, 283, 285. 
See "Concilium Plebis." 

Commerce, early Egyptian, 12, 15; 
early Babylonian, 15, 16; in Kas- 
site Babylonia, 32; of Phoenicians, 
44 f.; of Damascus. 49 f.; of As- 
syria, 51; of Mycena?an age, 78 f.; 
of later Greek middle age, 85 f., 
90 f.; at Athens, in, 121; pre- 
dominance of Athens in, 133, 142 f ., 
157; how regarded in Greece, 82, 
144; of Ptolemaic Kingdom, 231 f.; 
Rome's commercial position, 251; 
Etruscan, 256; attitude of early 
Romans toward, 290; develop- 
ment of Roman, 301, 331, 341 f. 



470 



General Index 



Com'modus, 397, 399 f. 

Common people, in ancient East, 17; 
in Greece, 137, 141, 152; at Rome, 
254, 322, 369, 384. See "Assem- 
blies." 

Concil'ium Ple'bis, 276 n. 

Connu'bium, 277, 286 n. 

Co'non, 185. 

Con'stantine, 419; his achievements, 
420 ff. 

Constantino'ple, 420 f., 432, 435. 

Constan'tius, eider, 416; younger, 

423- 
Con'sul, 268, 274, 278, 283, 318, 347, 

362, 375, 417. 
Consular tribunes, 278. 
Co'ra, 88. 
Corcy'ra, 102, 159. 
Corfin'ium, 339. 
Corinth, 85, 86, 90, loi f., 122, 134, 

iS4> i59> 204; destroyed by Rome, 

316; colony at, 341. 
Coriola'nus, 273. 
Coronei'a, 185. 
Cor'sica, 301, 303. 
Cosmogony, in ancient East, 24; 

Greek, 96; Roman, 390. See 

"World." 
Council. See "Senate." 
Cras'sus, 327, 343 f., 346, 35°. 36°- 
Crem'era, 272. 
Cres'cens, 387. 
Crete, 71, 77, 79. 
Crce'sus, King of Lydia, 59, 91. 
Cro'ton, 90. 
Cunax'a, 184. 
Cu-ne'i-form, 20. 

Curiae, 254. See "Comitia curiata." 
Cu'rials, 433. 
Curia'tii, 255. 
Cur'sus hono'rum, 331 n. 
Cu'rule, 321. 
Cyb'ele, 330. 
Cy'lon, 108. 
Cy'me, 90, 257. 
Cynosceph'alae, 312. 
Cyp'rian, 415. 
Cy'prus, 44, 79, 86, 155. 
Cyp'selus, loi. 



Cyre'ne, 90. 

Cyrus, of Persia, 59, 61, 212; the 

younger, 176, 184 f. 
Cyz'icus, 90, 177. 

Da'cia, a province, 401, 412. 

Da'cian war, 401. 

Damas'cus, 43, 49; overthrow, 54; 
Mohammedan, 435. 

Dari'us, I, organizer of Persian Em- 
pire, 62, 64 f.; II, 176, 184; III, 
214 f. 

David, of Israel, 48. 

Deb'en, 18. 

Debt, law of, in ancient East, 18; in 
Greece, 108 f.; at Rome, 275. 

Dec'archy, 181. 

Deceb'alus, 401. 

Decele'a, 175. 

Decem'viri, 276, 278. 

De'cius, 412. 

De'cius Mus, 299. 

Decu'rions, 433. 

De'lian Confederacy, organization 
of, 132 f.; growth of Athenian 
power in, 134 f.; becomes an 
Athenian Empire, 156 f. 

De'los, amphictyony of, 94; Apollo 
at, iii; treasury of Delian League, 

133- 

Del'phi, Apollo's oracle at, 90,93; in 
Persian wars, 118, 122. 

De'me, 112. 

Deme'ter, 88,98, 150. 

Democracy, rise of Greek, 100, 103; 
Solon's service to, no; develop- 
ment at Athens, 113, 120, 122; in 
the Greek world, 136; the Athe- 
nian democracy described, 137 f., 
152; its defects, 167, 179; at Rome, 
307; in time of the Gracchi, 335 f.; 
struggles with the senate, 336 ff. 
See "Assemblies," "Common Peo- 
ple." 

Demos'thenes (general), 164 f., 175; 
(orator), 202 f. 

Dena'rius, 291. 

Deportation, 53. 

Devo'tio, 299. 



General Index 



471 



Dia'na, 259. 

Dicas'teries, 138. 

Dictator, 272, 273, 280, 349, 

Di'ocese, 417. 

Diocle'tian, 416 flf. 

Dionys'ia, iii, 149- 

Dionys'ius I, 183, 188; II, 188, 195. 

Diony'sus, 88; religion of, 98; at 
Athens, iii; at Rome, 330. 

Diplomacy, meaning of, 37 n. 

Dispa'ter, 259. 

Domit'ian, 379 f., 396. 

Dorians, migration, 80; organiza- 
tion, 82; colonies, 80: Dorus and, 

93- 
Dra'co, 109. 

Drama. See "Theatre." 
Dress, in ancient East, 22; at Rome, 

292, 296; in imperial Rome, 386. 
Drink, in ancient East, 22. 
Dru'sus, 339. 
Dy'archy, 358 n., 400. 
Dynasty, 12 n. 

Ecclesi'a, of Athens, 137. See "As- 
semblies." 

Ecbat'ana, 60, 214. 

E'domites, 7. 

Education, in ancient East, 55, 63; 
in Greece, 146, 152; at Rome, 295, 
325, 384, 391. 

Egypt, physical features, 5; first 
kingdoms, 12; empire of, 33 ff. 
(organization, 36; ruling classes, 
37 f.; splendor, 38 f.); under As- 
syrian sway, 52; conquered by 
Persia, 62; Greeks visit, 91; re- 
volts from Persia, 120; Athenian 
expeditions to, 155; conquered by 
Alexander, 213 f.; kingdom of 
Ptolemies, 223, 231 flf.; gradual 
reduction under Rome, 238, 311, 
314; under Augustus, 361 n.; un- 
der Nero, 378. See "Alexandria." 

Eighteenth dynasty, 34 f. 

Ek'ron, 46 n. 

E'lamites, home, 7; invade Baby- 
lonia, 12, 54; conquered by As- 
syria, 52. 



El'be, 365, 371. 

Ele'giac poets, 95. 

Eleu'sis, 99, 150. 

E'lis, 106, 136. 

Empire, meaning of, 29 n. See "Im- 
perialism." 

Engineering, Egyptian, 23; Roman, 
389. 

En'nius, 326, 330. 

Epaminon'das, 187 flf. 

Eph'esus, 85. 

Ephial'tes, 137, 139. 

Eph'ors, 105. 

Epic poetry, Babylonian, 20; Greek, 
87, 93; Roman, 366. 

Epicu'rus, 235. 

Eq'uites, 262, 322, 331, 343; under 
Augustus, 366; in first century 
A.D.,384; in second century A. D., 
400. 

Eratos'thenes, 233. 

Erech'theus, 85. 

Ere'tria, 85, 118 f. 

Er'os, 88. 

Esarhad'don, 53. 

Es'quiline hill, 251. 

Etrus'cans, 243; at Athens, 157; at 
Rome, 253, 257; expansion, 256; 
Roman wars with, 270 flf.; con- 
quest of, 281. 

Eubce'a, 85, 86, 90. 

Euhe'merus, 231. 

Eume'nes, 222 f.; of Pcrgamum, 229, 

Eumol'pus, 85. 

Euphra'tes, river, 5. 

Eurip'ides, 170 f., 326. 

Euro'tas, 83. 

Eurym'edon, 136. 

Euse'bius, 422. 

Ex'arch, 442. 

Exchange, means of, in ancient East, 
17, 62; in Greece, 94 f., 243; at 
Rome, 291. See "Coinage." 



Fa'bii, 272. 

Fa'bius Max'imus, 

327- 
Fai-yum', 14. 



305; Pictor, 



472 



General Index 



Family, in ancient East, 19; in 

Greece, 145 f.; at Rome, 253, 293 

ff.; decline of, 329; in Augustus's 

time, 365. 
Festivals, Greek religious, 98 f., iii, 

149 f.; Roman, 258, 386. 
Feudal government, in Egypt, 13. 
Finances, at Athens, 153; at Rome, 

308; under Augustus, 364; in later 

empire, 413,418, 433. 
Fiscus, 364. 

Flamini'nus, T. Q., 312. 
Fla'vian Caesars, 379 f. 
Food, in ancient East, 22; at Rome, 

291 f., 323; in imperial Rome, 

386. 
Foreigners, in Greek cities, 141, 145; 

at Rome, 261, 384. 
Forum of Rome, 252. 
Fourth Egyptian dynasty, 12. 
Franchise, in Greece, 103, 113, 192 f.; 

at Rome, 261 f., 269, 284, 285, 332, 

ZZ^i 339; extension of, by Caesar, 

351; by emperors, 402 f.; edict 

of Caracalla, 411. 
Franks, cross the Rhine, 409, 427; 

settle in Gaul, 435; kingdom of, 

436; "do-nothing" kings, 436 f.; 

and the pope of Rome, 440 f. 
Freedmen at Rome, 322, 384; under 

Augustus, 363; as officials under 

Claudius, 377 f. 
Future life, belief in, in Egypt, 26; 

in Babylonia, 26; in Greece, 89, 

98 f., 196. 

Ga'bii, 257. 

Gabin'ian law, 343. 

Ga'des, 45. 

Gai'seric, 428. 

Gai'us (Caligula), 374 f. 

Gala'tia, 229. 

Gal'ba, 378. 

Gale'rius, 416, 419. 

Gath, 46 n. 

Gaugame'la, 214. 

Gaul, Greek colonies in, 90; Roman 

province in, 337; Caesar in, 347 f.; 

divided into provinces, 365; Franks 



enter, 435; Mohammedans in, 435, 

437- 

Gauma'ta, 62. 

Gauls. See "Kelts." 

Ga'za, 46 n., 212. 

Ge'lon, of Syracuse, 123, 128. 

General. See "Strategoi." 

Gens, 253. 

Germans, enter Gaul, 347; cross the 
Danube, 402; settled in the Em- 
pire, 412 f.; how affected by Rome, 
430; conversion of, 440. 

Germany, and Augustus, 365, 371 f.; 
and the Flavians, 381. 

Geron'tes, 105. 

Gil'ga-mesh, 20. 

Gladiatorial shows, 324, 387. 

Gods, of Babylonia, 26; of Egypt, 
26; of Israel, 41, 47; of Assyria, 
55; of Persia, 64; of Greece, 88, 
98; of Rome, 259. 

Gordei'um, 210. 

Goths, cross the Danube, 409; in 
the Empire, 427. See "Ostro- 
goths," "Visigoths." 

Grac'chus,Tib. Semp.,334 f.; Gaius, 

335 f- 

Grani'cus, 210. 

Gra'tian, 424. 

Greece, first appearance in Oriental 
history, 40; physical geography, 
70 f.; relation of its physical ge- 
ography to its history, 70 f.; peo- 
ple, 73; outline of its history, 73 f.; 
Mycenaean age, 77 f.; middle age, 
81 f.; age of political adjustment 
and expansion, 92 f.; elements of 
unity, 92 f.; summary of progress 
to 500 B.C., 115 f.; significance 
of victory over Persia, 128 f.; sum- 
mary of progress to supremacy of 
Philip, 205 f.; position in Alexan- 
der's empire, 220, 223; revolt from 
Macedonia, 225; misfortunes un- 
der Alexander's successors, 225 
f.; rise of new forces, 226 f.; sum- 
mary of development in third cen- 
tury, 237 f.; influence on Italy, 
256; declared free by Rome, 312; 



General Index 



473 



becomes Roman, 316; transfor- 
mation of Roman life by Greek 
civilization, 323 ff., 328. 

Greg'ory, 440. 

Gy'ges, King of Lydia, 90. 

Gylip'pus, 174. 

Gymnastics, 146. 

Ha'drian, 397 f., 401 f., 404 f. 

Halicar'nassus, 151. 

Ham'ilcar, 303. 

Ham-mu-ra'bi, king, 30; laws of, 
30 f. 

Han'nibal, in Spain, 303 f.; march 
into Italy, 304; battles in Italy, 
304 ff.; return to Africa, 306; 
death, 313. 

Har'most, 181. 

Harus'pices, 261. 

Has'drubal, 305 f. 

Hebrews, home, 7; divisions, 7, 41. 
See "Israel." 

Helice'a, at Athens, no, 137 f. 

Hel'len, and the Helle'nes, 93. 

He'lot, 105, 135. 

Hel'lespont, 90, in. 

Helve'tii, 347. 

Hephaes'tus, 88. 

He'ra, 88. 

Her'acles, 88, 198. 

Heracli'tus, 97, 169. 

Herac'lius, 435. 

Hercula'neum, 379. 

Heresy, 407. 

Her'mae, 174. 

Her'mes, 88; of Praxiteles, 193. 

Her'nici, 270. 

Her'od, 369. 

Her-od'otus, Greek historian, 14; on 
Cyrus, 61; on the Persians, 63; on 
battle of Plataea, 128; on Athens, 
132; his work, 151; compared 
with Thucydides, 170. 

Hes'iod, 92, 95 f., 98. 

Hezeki'ah, 54. 

Hi'ero, tyrant, 136; king, 301. 

Hieroglyph'ics, 20. 

Hime'ra, 128. 

Hippar'chus, in f. 



Hip'pias, in f. 

Hip'po, 439. 

Hiram of Tyre, 48. 

Hit'tites, home, 7; invasions, 36; 
kingdom, 36; Egyptian wars, 39; 
influence on Mycenaean art, 79. 

Homer, 40, 79, 87, 95, in, 325. 

Hono'rius, 427. 

Horace, 367. 

Hora'tii, 255. 

Hora'tius Co'cles, 272. 

Horse, in Egypt, 34. See " Cavalry." 

Horten'sian law, 284. 

House, in ancient East, 21 ; in Greece, 
149; at Rome, 291, 323; in im- 
perial Rome, 385. 

Huns, 428. 

Hyk'sos, 2,Z, 34- 

Hyrca'nia, 61. 



lam'bic, 95. 

lapyg'ians, 243. 

Iconoclastic controversy, 442. 

Icti'nus, 150. 

Il'iad, 79, 87. 

lUyrians, 243; pirates, 238, 303. 

lUyr'icum, 317. 

Impera'tor, 377. 

Imperialism, in earliest history, n, 
29; idea of universal empire, 67; 
rise in Greece, 130; its conflict 
with the opposing Greek ideal, 162, 
186, 191, 201 f.; defeat of Athe- 
nian, 179; Sparta's imperial policy, 
181 f., 183 f.; Thcban imperialism, 
188 f.; revival at Athens, 189 f.; 
Isocrates's view, 196; achieved 
finally by Philip, 203 f.; Empire of 
Alexander, 219; imperialism of 
his successors, 223; of the Ptole- 
mies, 232; Roman, 285 fi"., 309, 
314 f-, 331, 341 f-, 354, 362 f., 377, 
402, 416 f. 

Impe'rium, 268, 351, 361, 371. 

India, Darius I in, 65; Alexander 
in, 217; Syria loses, 231. 

Indo-European or Germanic family, 
7, 58, 243. 



474 



General Index 



Industrial activities, in ancient East, 
15; in Phoenicia, 44; in Greece, 
82, 142, 144; at Rome, 290, 321. 

Interest, rate in Greece, 144. 

Invasions, of Babylonia, 12, 32; of 
Egypt, 33; by Hittites, 36; by 
northwestern peoples, 36, 40, 46; 
by Arameans, 43; by Kaldi, 43; 
of Greece by Dorians, 80; by 
Galati, 229; Barbarians in Ro- 
man Empire, 401, 402. 409 f., 423, 
427 f., 429, 442; Mohammedan, 

435,437- 

I'on and lo'nians, 93. 

Ionian revolt, 118; cities to Persia, 
185 f. 

Iphic'rates, 190, 191. 

Ip'sus, 223 n. 

Iran', 61. 

Ire'ne, 444. 

I'sis, 233, 394. 

Isoc'rates, 196. 

Is'rael, appearance, 7, 41; in Egypt, 
41; in the desert, 41; settlement 
in Palestine, 47; conflicts with 
Philistines, 46 f.; organization of 
kingdom, 47 f.; empire, 48 f.; 
disruption of, 49; kingdom of 
Israel in the north. 49; destroyed, 
54. 

Is'sUS, 211. 

Ital'ica, 339. 

Italy, the name, 287; physical geog- 
raphy, 241 f.; historical contact 
with the East, 240; peoples, 243; 
historical geography, 245; influ- 
ence on early Rome, 255 f.; union 
of Italy under Rome, 285 ff.; eco- 
nomic decay of, 320 f., 334; under 
Augustus, 362 f.; under later em- 
perors, 403. 



visited by Alexander, 212; stormed 
by Pompey, 345; by Titus, 381. 

Jesus Christ, 369, 394. 

Jewelry, 23, 292, 294, 386. 

Jews, deported to Babylonia, 58 f., 
161; restored to Judea, 212; and 
Alexander, 213; the Maccabees, 
314; and Rome, 314; feeling toward 
Rome, 315; subjected by Rome, 
345; Judaea a province, 378; 
revolt, 381. 

Joseph in Egypt, 38. 

Jose'phus, 33, 212 f. 

Judah, kingdom of, 49; vassal of 
Assyria, 54; overthrown, 58. 

Jugur'tha, 336 f. 

Julia, daughter of Julius Caesar, 346 
f.; daughter of Augustus, 369, 372. 

Julian, 423 f.; Julian Caesars, 374 f. 

Ju'no, 259. 

Ju'piter, 256 flf., 259. 

Justice, administration of, in ancient 
East, 16, 18, 25,3of., 53; in Greece, 
83, 84, 108, 138; at Rome, 253 f., 
296 f.; in Empire, 403, 411 f., 431. 

Justin'ian, 431 f. 

Ju'venal, 405. 

Kal'di, invasion by, 43; in Baby- 
lonia, 54; victory over Babylo- 
nians, 58. 

Karl, 442 f. 

Kar'loman, 441, 442. 

Kar'nak, 38 f. 

Kas'sites, in Babylonia, 32. 

Kelts, 7; in Greece and Asia Minor, 
229; in Italy, 244; at Rome, 279 f. 

Kha'ti. See "Hittites." 

Khu'fu, 23. 

King. See "Ruler." 

Knights. See "Equites." 



Janic'ulum hiU, 251. 
Ja'nus, 259. 
Ja'son, 87. 

Je-ho'vah, God of Israel, 41 
Jer'ome, 437 f. 

Jerusalem, capital of Israel. 48; de- 
stroyed by Nebuchadrezzar, 58; 



Lab'arum, 422. 

Labyrinth, 14. 

Lam'achus, 174. 

Lamia and Lamian war, 225. 

Land. See "Agrarian." 

Laoc'oon, 230. 

La'res, 259. 



General Index 



475 



Latin colony, 286. 

Lat'ins, 243, 253; league of, 255 f., 
257, 269, 273. 

La'tium, 254 f.; reduced by Rome, 
282. 

Lau'rium, 121. 

Lavin'ia, 254. 

Law, importance of, in ancient East, 
18; international law in Greece, 
94; lawgivers in Greece, 100; at 
Sparta, 103 n.; at Athens, 109, 
137; Greek law at Rome, 157 f.; 
maritime law, 227; early influ- 
ence of, at Rome, 253; of Twelve 
Tables, 277; laws securing ple- 
beian rights, 278; securing fran- 
chise to Italians, 339; conferring 
powers on Pompey, 343; jurists 
under the military Emperors, 411; 
German laws as affected by Rome, 
430; code of Justinian, 431 f. See 
"Justice." 

League, Peloponnesian, 107; Delian, 
132 f.; leagues in later Greek 
history, 226, 230; Latin, 255, 257, 
269, 273, 281. 

Leb'anon mts., 36, 43. 

Legion, 263, 287 f. 

Leo, pope, 439, 444; emperor, 442. 

Leon'idas, 124. 

Lep'idus, 360. 

Leuc'tra, 187. 

Libraries, in ancient East, 21; Ashur- 
banipal's, 55; at Athens, in; at 
Alexandria, 232; at Rome, 352, 

389- 

Licin'i'^-Sextian laws, 283. 

Ligu'rians, 243. 

Li'ris river, 281. 

Literature, in ancient East, 20; in 
Egyptian empire, 39; in Assyria, 
55; beginnings in Greece, 86; de- 
velopment in Greece correspond- 
ing to political and social progress, 
92; great names and periods in 
Greece, 129, 149, 151, 167, 170 ff., 
194 ff., 202, 224 f., 234 f.; in 
Alexandria, 232 f.; beginnings at 
Rome, 298, 299, 3262.; in Caesarian 



period, 352 ff.; in Augustan age, 
366 f.; in the first century A.D., 
389 f.; in the second century, A.D., 
404 f.; Christian, 407, 415, 437 ff. 

Liv'ia, 372 f. 

Liv'ius (Livy), 367. Andronicus, 326. 

Lom'bards, 441 f., 443 f. 

Lu'ca, 346. 

Lu'cian, 405. 

Lucil'ius, 327. 

Lucre'lius, 352. 

Lucul'lus, 343. 

Lu'di Sa^cula'res, 368. 

Lux'or, 38. 

Lycur'gus, 100, 105 n. 

Lyd'ia, empire of, 59, 90 f., 118; 
coinage of, 95. 

Lyric poets, of Greece, 96, 129; of 
Rome, 353. 

Lysan'der, 178, 181, 183 ff. 

Lysim'achus, 222 f. 

Mac'cabees, 314. 

Macedo'nia, Greek colonies in, 90; 
Athenian difficulties with, 190; 
early history, 197 f.; under Philip 
and Alexander, 198 f., 208; under 
Alexander's generals, 223, 233 ff.; 
wars with Rome, 312 ff.; Roman 
province, 316. 

Maece'nas, 371. 

Magistrate, at Sparta, 105; at Ath- 
ens, 108, 137, 139; at Rome, 268 f., 
274, 283, 331, 338, 341, 351, 361 f., 
370, 377, 380, 417- 

Magna Graecia, 90, 228; and Rome, 
282 f. 

Magne'sia, 85, 313. 

Malta, 44. 

Mam'ertines, 301. 

Mamil'ius, 273. 

Man'etho, 12 n., ;iT,. 

Manil'ian law, 343. 

Man*ine'a, 173, 189. 

Manufactures. See "Industrial Ac- 
tivities." 

Marathon, 119 f. 

Marcoman'ni, 402. 

Mardo'nius, 119, 126 f. 



476 



General Indeoo 



Ma'rius, Gaius, 337 f., 340. 
Marriage, in ancient East, 19; at 

Rome, 293 f., 392. 
Mars, 259. 
Mar'tial, 391. 
Massil'ia, 90. 
Massinis'sa, 306. 
Maus'solus, his tomb, 193. 
Maximian, 416. 
Mayor of the Palace, 436. 
Mec'ca, 434- 

Medes, rise, 56 f.; empire of, 58 f. 
Medicine, in ancient East, 25; in im- 
perial Rome, 385 f. 
Mediterranean sea, 2, 5, 30, 43. 
Medo-Persians, home, 7. 
Megalop'olis, 189. 
Meg'ara, 85, 90, 152. 
Megid'do, 35. 
Memphis, 12. 
Menan'der, 235. 
Mercenaries, 37. 
Merchants, in ancient East, 17; in 

Greece, 144; at Rome, 290. 
Mesopota'mia, 6; Roman province, 
401, 410. 

Messa'na, 301. 

Messe'nia, wars with Sparta, 1061 
136; alliance with Thebes, 189. 

Messi'ah, 369 n., 394. 

Metau'rus, 306. 

Met'oikoi, 145. 

"Metropolitan," 414. 

Mi'das, King of Phrygia, 90. 

Migrations. See "Invasions." 

Mil'an, 417, 425- 

Mile'tus, 85, 86, 90, loi, 118. 

Milti'ades, 119 f. 

Mi'na, 17. 

Miner'va, 260. 

Mith'ra, 414. 

Mithrida'tes, 230, 339 f-, 342 f., 345- 

Mo'abites, 7. 

Moe'sia, 365. 

Moham'med, 434. 

Moham'medanism, 434 f-, 437* 

Molos'si, 197. 

Monarchy. See "Ruler." 

Monas'ticism, 438. 



Money. See "Coinage" and "Ex- 
change." 
Monks, 438. 

Morality, in ancient East, 13, 18 f., 
30, 47, 63 f., 67; in Greece, 88, 
99, 105, 129, 149 f-> 167, 169, 171, 
195 f-, 23s f.; at Rome, 253, 259 f., 
298 f., 315, 324, 328 f., 331; under 
Empire, 365, 383, 391 f., 406. See 
"Christianity." 

Mosaic, 389. 

Moses, 41, 47. 

Motives of progress in Ancient His- 
tory, 66-68; expansion, 11, 29, 
34, 162, 246; conflict between East 
and West, 40; religion, 34, 47; 
invasion, 12, 32, 33, 43» 82, 128, 
197, 430; commerce, 15, 17, 44 f-, 
52, 256; wealth, 14, 38; organiza- 
tion, 62, 362, 418. 

Mu'cius Scaev'ola, 272. 

Mun'da, 349. 

Municip'ia, 285 n.; Caesar's law for, 
351; in Empire, 363, 402. 

Munych'ia, 225. 

Museum at Alexandria, 232. 

Music, Greek, 96, 146. 

Myc'ale, 128. 

Myce'nse, 77. 

Mycenaean culture, 78 f. 

Mysteries, 98 f., 150. 

Mytile'ne, 85. 

Na'bu, 55. 

Nae'vius, 326. 

Na'ram Sin, 29. 

Nar'bo, 337. 

Nar'ses, 431. 

Naucra'rics, Council of, 108. 

Nau'cratis, 91. 

Naupac'tus, 154. 

Navy, 102, 121, 155, 176, 212, 302. 

See "Commerce." 
Nax'os, 135. 
Nebuchadrez'zar, 58. 
Ne'pos, 354. 
Nept'une, 259. 
Ne'ro, 376 f., 395. 
Ner'va, 397. 



General Index 



477 



Neus'tria, 436. 

New Comedy, 235. 

New Platonism, 414. 

New Testament, 395. 

Nicae'a, 421. 

Nic'ias, 163, 174 f. 

Nicome'dia, 417. 

Nile, 5. 

Nin'eveh, 51; fall of, 57. 

Nip'pur, II, 32. 

Nobility at Rome, 321. 

Nobles, in Greece, 141. 

Nome, 13 n. 

Nor'icum, 365. 

No'tium, 177. 

Nu'bia, 14, 34. 

Nu'ma, 255, 259. 

Numid'ia, 306; war with, 336. 



Occupations, of early civilized man, 
14; of Greek middle age, 82; of 
early Romans, 290; change in, 
320 f.; under the Empire, 384 f. 

Octa'vius, 359. See "Augustus." 

Odova'car, 429. 

Odys'seus, 86. 

Od'yssey, 79, 86, 87, 326. 

Ogul'nian law, 284. 

Ol'bia, 90. 

Oligarchy, 181. See "Aristocracy." 

Olym'pia, festival at, 93 f. 

Olympiads, 93. 

Olym'pus, 88. 

Olyn'thus, 186. 

Omen, 260, 296. 

Oracles, Greek, 93. 

Oriental world, physical features, 
5, 6; peoples, 6; survey of its his- 
tory, 8; its beginnings, 11; signifi- 
cance of its history, 66-68. 

Or'igen, 415. 

Or'thodoxy, 423. 

Osi'ris, 26. 

Ostracism, 113. 

Os'trogoths, 427, 429, 431. 

O'tho, 378. 

Ov'id, 370. 

Ovin'ian law, 284 n. 



Pa'dus, 242. 

Pajo'nius, 193. 

Pal'atine hill, 251, 362, 383 n. 

Pal'estine, 41; origin of name, 46; 

under Ptolemies, 232. 
Palmy'ra, 412 f. 
Panathenaj'a, 149 f. 
Pan'dects, 432. 
Panno'nia, 365. 
Pan'sa, 385. 
Papacy, 439 f- 
Papin'ian, 411. 
Papy'rus, 15. 
Parme'nio, 216. 
Par'nes, 107. 
Par'thenon, 148 f., 151. 
Par'thia, 61; kingdom of, 231; and 

Rome, 345 f., 364 f., 401; Sassa- 

nian dynasty, 409. 
Parties, in Athens, 163; in Greek 

cities, 192, 226; rise at Rome, 332, 

Patricians, 253. 

Paul, 395. 

Pausa'nias, 127, 132, 135; II, 182. 

Pa'via, 442. 

Pel'la, 200. 

Pelop'idas, 187, 189. 

Peloponnesian League, founded, 107; 

in Persian wars, 123; and Athens, 

154; declares war, 160. 
Peloponnesian War, 160 ff. 
Peloponne'sus, 70. 
Pel'tast, 191. 
Pena'tes, 259. 
Perdic'cas, 209, 222 f. 
Per'gamum, 229 f., 313 f., 317. 
Perian'der, 98 n., loi f. 
Per'icles, 137, 139; age of, 143 ff-; 

and Peloponnesian War, 160, 162; 

death, 163; and the higher life of 

Athens, 168 f. 
Perseph'one, 88. 
Persep'olis, 60, 214. 
Per'seus, 313. 

Persia, physical features, 60 f.; em- 
pire of, rise, 59, 61 f.; extent, 62; 

organization, 62 f.; people, 63 f.; 

civilization, 64; expansion, 65; 



478 



General Index 



threatens Greece, ii8; expeditions 
against Greece, 119 f., 122 f.; 
driven from Greece, 128; from 
the Mediterranean, 132; Athenian 
expeditions, 155; peace of Callias, 
155; reappearance in Pelopon- 
nesian War, 175 f.; dominating 
influence, 182; war with Sparta, 
185; condition at invasion of Al- 
exander, 210; overthrown by Alex- 
ander, 215; revival under Sassa- 
nians, 409, 431; conquered by 
Mohammedans, 435. 

Petro'nius, 390. 

Pha'raoh, title, 12. 

Pharnaba'zus, 176. 

Pharsa'lus, 349. 

Phei'don, 106. 

Phid'ias, 148 f. 

Philip of Macedon, 190, 198 flF.; his 
ideals and purposes, 200 f.; master 
of Greece, 203 f.; death, 208; V, 
234; allies with Hannibal, 238; 
wars with Rome, 312. 

Philip'pi, 200, 361. 

Philip'pics, 360 n. 

Philis'tincs, 43, 46. 

Philopoe'men, 234. 

Philosophy, early Greek, 97; at 
Athens, 168 f.; in the third cen- 
tury B.C., 234 f.; at Rome, 325, 
331 ; under the Empire, 392 f., 406, 
414. 

Philo'tas, 216. 

Phocians, 158, 200. 

Pho'cion, 223. 

Phoenic'ians, home, 7; geography 
of Phoenicia, 43 f . ; commerce, 44 f . ; 
service to civilization, 45 f.; em- 
pire of, 45; influence on Italy, 256; 
in Grseco-Persian wars, 212. 

Phryg'ia, 90. 

Physical geography, influence on 
history, 14, 71 f.; 245, 250 f., 
420. 

Pi'etas, 261. 

Pi'late, 394. 

Pin'dar, 129. 

Pin'dus mts., 70. 



Pip'pin, the elder, 437; the younger, 
441. 

Pirae'us, 133, 142, 179, 186. 

Pirates, 342 f. 

Pisis'tratus, iiof., 141. 

Pit'tacus, 98 n., 100. 

Platae'a, 119, 127. 

Plato, 195 f., 224. 

Plau'tus, 326. 

Plebei'ans, 254; struggles with patri- 
cians, 275 f.; victory over them, 
283 f. 

Plin'y, the elder, 391; the younger, 
405 f., 407. 

Plu'tarch, 405. 

Plu'to, 88. 

Po river, 242. 

Poly'bius, 314, 329. 

Pompei'i, 379, 385, 388 f. 

Pompey, 343 f.; victories in the East, 
345; first triumvirate, 346; sole 
consul, 347; conflict with Caesar, 
348; death, 349. 

Pon'tifex, 259, 297, 366. 

Ponton'o-us, 86. 

Pontus, 230; wars of Rome with, 

339 f-, 343- 

Pope, 439 f., 442. 

Poplic'ola, law of, 278. 

Population, of Greek cities, 141, 
192 f.; of Roman Italy, 285. 

Por'sena, 271 f. 

Posei'don, 88. 

Prse'tor, 268. 

Praetorian guard, 364, 377, 410. 

Praxit'eles, 193. 

Prefects, Roman, 286, 364. 

Priesthood, in ancient East, 25; in 
Egyptian empire, 37 f.; in Greece, 
83, 148; at Rome, 259. 

Prin'ceps, 362; growth of power, 
370, 380; as tyranny, 377; house- 
hold organized by Claudius, 377 f.; 
increasing state of, 383; imperial 
council of, 400; theory of, by third- 
century jurists, 411; transformed 
into absolute ruler, 417. 

Pro'bus, 412. 

Proconsul, 318. 



General Index 



479 



Prophets of Israel, 47, 61. 

Provincial government, in Egyptian 
empire, 36; in Assyrian empire, 
53; in Persian empire, 62 f.; origin 
of Roman provincial system, 308 f.; 
Roman provinces in 133 B.C.i 
317; Roman provincial organiza- 
tion, 317 ff.; trial court for gov- 
ernors, 318, 336; defects of, 332; 
importance of provinces to Rome, 
341; reorganization under Augus- 
tus, 361; imperial provinces, 363; 
under Julian Caesars, 378; as- 
semblies, 394; under Diocletian, 
417. 

Pryt'any, 113. 

Ptol'emy, 222; kingdom of, 231. 

Public land. See "Agrarian." 

Publica'ni, 308 n., 318, 364. 

Publil'ian law (Vol'ero), 278; (Philo), 
284. 

Pu'nic wars: first, 302 ff.; second, 
303 f.; third, 316. 

Py'dna, 313. 

Py'los, 164, 166. 

Pyramids, 12, 23, 24, 97. 

Pyr'rhus, of Epirus, 227; in Italy 
and Sicily, 228 f., 283. 

Pythag'oras, 97. 

Quaes'tor, 274. 

Quintil'ian, 391. 
^ Quir'inal hill, 25, 253. 

I Quran', 434. 



Ram'ses II, 36, 39, 41; III, 36, 46. 

Rau'dine plains, 338. 

Raven'na, 429, 442. 

Re, Egyptian god, 26. 

Red sea, 12, 41. 

Regil'lus, battle of Lake, 273. 

Reg'ulus, 303. 

Religion, in ancient East, 25-27, 67; 
of Israel, 47, 67; of Assyria, 55; 
of Persia, 63 f.; of early Greece,- 
87 f.; influence of Zeus and Apollo 
in, 93 f.; Greek problems of, 96; 
progress of, as related to growth 
of civilization, 98 f.; in ^schylus, 



\ 



129 f.; influence of Greek philos- 
ophy on, 168 f.; theory of Euhe- 
merus, 231; Oriental cults, 233; 
Stoicism and Epicureanism, 234 f.; 
of early Rome, 2^8 f., 261, 298 f.; 
decline of, 330 f.; revived under 
Augustus, 366; in the first cen- 
tury A.D., 393 f.; of Severus 
Alexander, 411; in third cen- 
tury, 413 f. See "Christianity." 

Re'mus, 254. 

Rex sacro'rum, 263 f. 

Rhae'tia, 365. 

Rhetoricians at Athens, 167; at 
Rome, 325, 385. 

Rhodes, League of, 227; and Rome, 

313 f. 

Ric'imer, 428. 

Roman Church, 414 f., 439 f. See 
"Papacy." 

Rome, origin, 246, 254; summary 
of history, 246 ff.; geography, 251 
f.; union of peoples in, 253; a city- 
state, 254; early legends of, 254 f.; 
influence of Italy on its origin, 255 

f.: under Etruscan kings, 2157 ff. 

. . . . ^ 

261 ff.; political reorganization by 

Servius, 262 f.; overthrow of king- 
ship, 264; struggle with neighbors, 
268 ff.; struggles of patricians and 
plebeians, 2745.; the Keltic ter- 
ror, 279 f.; its result, 281; ex- 
pansion in Italy, 281 ff.; victory 
of plebeians, 283 f.; rise of dis- 
tinctions of wealth and office, 284 
f.; organization of Roman Italy, 
285 f.; Roman society and man- 
ners, early period, 290 ff.; rela- 
tions to Carthage and wars, 301 ff.; 
explanation of Roman success in 
wars with Carthage, 306 f.; early 
embassy to Greece, 157; war with 
Magna Graccia and Pyrrhus, 228 f.; 
early complications with Greek 
world, 238; attitude toward East- 
ern powers, 314; wars with Mace- 
donia, 312 f.; with Syria, 313; 
Rome an imperial state, 3145.; 
society and manners under Grajco- 



480 



General Index 



Oriental influence, 320 flf.; politics 
as thus transformed, 394 flf.; era 
of party struggles, 334 f.; victory 
of Caesar, 349; a world-empire, 
357 £f.; under Augustus, 360 ff.; 
under Julian Caesars, 374 f.; fire 
at, 376; under Flavian Caesars, 
379 f.; society and manners in the 
first centiu-y A.D., 383 ff.; under 
the constitutional emperors, 397 ff.; 
under the military emperors, 409 ff. ; 
city fortified, 412; under the Des- 
potism, 416 ff.; rivalled by Con- 
stantinople, 420; captured by 
Alaric, 427; by Gaiseric, 429; and 
the Roman Church, 414 f., 439 f.; 
division into Eastern and Western 
Empire, 427; fall of Western Em- 
pire, 429; influence on the bar- 
barians, 430; revival under Jus- 
tinian, 431 f.; influence of Eastern 
Empire, 432; decline after Jus- 
tinian, 433; Mohammedan at- 
tacks, 435; passing of Empire with 
Charlemagne's accession, 444 f. 

Rom'ulus, 254 f. 

Rom'ulus Augus'tulus, 429. 

Roxa'na, 216, 222 f. 

Ru'bicon, 349. 

Ruler, in ancient East, 16, 68; in 
Egyptian empire, 37; in Persian 
empire, 64; in early Greece, 78, 
82; in Sparta, 83; the Greek 
tyrant, 10 1 ; king at Athens, 107 f.; 
divinity of, 231,368; king at Rome, 
254, 263; in Roman Empire (see 
"Princeps"); absolute monarch, 
416 f.; Prankish king, 435 f.; 
caliphs, 435. 

Sabel'lians, 243. 
Sa'bines, 253, 255, 270. 
"Sacred Band" of Thebes, 187. 
Sacred War, 200, 202. 
Sagun'tum, 304. 
Sal'amis, 109, 125 f. 
Sal'lust, 353. 

Sama'ria, 49; destroyed, 54. 
Samar'itans, 213. 



Sam'nites, 243; Roman wars with, 
281 f. 

Sa'mos, 85, 177. 

Samuel, 47. 

Sapph'o (Saf'o), 96. 

Sardin'ia, Phoenicians in, 44; Car- 
thaginians in, 301; Romans take, 
303- 

Sar'dis, 59. 

Sar'gon of Agade, 11; his library, 
21; his empire, 29; of Assyria, 53. 

Sassa'nians, 409. 

Sa'trap, 62. 

Saturna'lia, 386. 

Saul, 47. 

Saxons, 440. 

Sciev'ola, Mucius, 272; the jurist, 

327- 

Science, in ancient East, 24, 67; in 
Greece, 95 f.; at Rome, 297, 390 f. 

Scip'io, Pub. Cor., 306; L. C, 313; 
influence of, 328 f., 331. 

School. See "Education." 

Scribe, in ancient East, 20. 

Sculpture, in ancient East, 24, 39; 
Assyrian, 55; Greek, 149, 193; at 
Rome, 297; portrait statues, 389. 

Scythians, invade the east, 59; Da- 
rius I attacks, 65, 118. 

Sea power, 176, 302. 

Seja'nus, 375. 

Seleu'cus, 222 f.; kingdom, 230, 345; 
era of, 230. 

Sem'ites, origin and home, 6; dis- 
tribution, 6; passing of their pow- 
er, 59- 

Senate, Greek, 82 f., 105, 108, no, 
113, 137; Roman, origin, 254; 
early history, 269; practical dom- 
inance of, 284, 308; and the no- 
bility, 322; commerce forbidden 
to, 331; struggle with the democ- 
racy, 335 f.; failure in adminis- 
tration, 336; legally supreme un- 
der Sulla, 341 ; conflict with Caesar, 
348 f.; reorganized by Caesar, 351; 
joint rule with Augustus, 361; 
Augustus reorganizes, 366; and 
Julian Caesars, 377; and Flavian 



General Index 



481 



Caesars, 380 f.; and constitutional 
emperors, 400; and military em- 
perors, 410; under absolute mon- 
archy, 417. 

Sen'eca, 376, 390, 393. 

Sennach'erib, 53; and Judah, 54. 

Senti'num, 282. 

Septim'ius Seve'rus, 410 f., 413. 

Ser'apis, 233. 

Serto'rius, 342 f. 

Ser'vius Tul'lius, 257, 262. 

Ses'tos, 128. 

"Seven against Thebes," 87. 

"Seven Wise Men" of Greece, 98. 

Seve'rus Alexander, 411. 

Shek'el, 17. 

Shir-pur'la, 11. 

Sib'yl, 261. 

Sic'ily, Phoenicians in, 44; Greek 
colonies in, 90; in Persian wars, 
123; democracy in, 136; Syracuse 
and Athens, 174 £f.; empire of 
Dionysius, 183; events after its 
fall, 227 f.; Carthage and Rome 
in, 301 f.; Roman Province, 309; 
slave wars in, 332. 

Sic'yon, 107. 

Sige'um, 109. 

Silver Age, 390. 

Si'na-i, 12, 34. 

Sino'pe, 90. 

Sixth Egyptian dynasty, 12. 

Slavery and Slaves, in ancient east, 
17; in Egyptian empire, 38, 40; in 
Greece, 145; at Rome, 321, 322, 
332, 342, 384, 386, 393; coloni, or 
serfs, 413, 433- 

Slavs, 7, 431- 

Social war, 339. 

Society, organization in ancient East, 
16; in early Greece, 81 f., 87; in 
Athens in age of Pericles, 147 f., 
152; in early Rome, 290 ff.; trans- 
formation, 321 f., 328 flF.; at Rome 
under Augustus, 365 f., 369 f,; clas- 
sification of, at Rome in first cen- 
tury A.D., 383 f.; in the second 
century A.D., 405 f.; in the third 
century, 412 f. 



Soc'rates, 171 f., 194. 

Soissons', 441. 

Solomon of Israel, 48 f. 

So'lon, lawgiver of Alhens, 100, 109; 
his legislation, 109 f.; outcome, 
141. 

Sophi'a, St., church of, 431. 

Soph'ists, 167. 

Soph'ocles, 149 f. 

Spain, Phoenicians in, 44; Greeks 
in, 90; Carthaginians in, 301, 
303 f.; becomes Roman, 306; Ro- 
man wars in, 316; under Augus- 
tus, 365; Mohammedans in, 435. 

Spar'ta, primitive organization, 83 f.; 
development of culture and its 
suppression, 104; Spartan char- 
acter, 105; final organization of 
political system, 105; expansion, 
106; headship of Peloponnesian 
League, 107; in alliance against 
Cyrus, 59, 107; in Persian wars, 
131 f.; jealousy of Athens, 135; 
trouble with Messenians, 136; 
growth of oligarchy, 136; com- 
plications with Athens, 154 f.; 
war with Athens, 160 ff.; fifty 
years' peace signed, 166; victory 
over Athens, 177; terms of peace, 
179 f.; imperialistic programme, 
181 ff.; war with Persia, 185; peace 
of Antalcidas, 185 f.; Sparta su- 
prenre, 186; revolt of Thebes, 
187 f.; later history, 223, 234. 

Spar'tacus, 342 f. 

Sphacte'ria, 165. 

Spu'rius Cas'sius, 269, 274 f.; Mae'- 
lius, 274. 

Sta'tius, 390. 

Stil'icho, 427 f. 

Sto'icism, 234; at Rome, 392 f. 

Strat'egoi, at Athens, 113, 120 f., 
139; in later Leagues, 226. 

Succession, problem of, in Roman 
Empire, 372, 380, 400, 410, 416 f. 

Sue'vi, 427. 

Sul'la, L. C, 338, 340; his adminis- 
tration, 341; its failure, 343. 

Sulpi'cius, 340. 



482 



General Index 



Su'sa, 60, 215, 

Syb'aris, 90. 

Syracuse, founded, 90; Gelon, tyrant 
of, 123; wars with Carthage, 123, 
182 f., 227 f.; Hiero, tyrant of, 136; 
democracy in, 136; Athenian ex- 
pedition against, 174 f.; under 
Dionysius I, 183; Hiero, king of, 
301; complications with Rome, 

301, 305- 
Syr'ia, 5; under Babylonian sway, 
30; under Egyptian sway, 35; 
empires of, 43-50; under Assyrian 
sway, 52 f.; Syrian kingdom of 
the Seleucidae, 223; splendor, 230; 
complications with Rome, 312 f.; 
becomes a Roman province, 345. 

Tac'itus, 404 f. 

Talent, 17. 

Tan'agra, 155. 

Taren'tum, 90, 228; treaty with 
Rome, 282; war with Rome and 
submission, 283; revolt and subju- 
gation, 305. 

Tarquin'ii, 257. 

Tarquin'ius, Priscus, 257; Superbus, 
257, 261, 264, 271, 273. 

Tar'shish, 45. 

Tar'sus, 211. 

Taxes, in ancient East, 16 f., 37 f., 
48, 53. 62; Athenian, 145, 153; 
Roman, 285, 313, 318; imperial, 

364, 433- 
Ta-yg'etus mts., 106. 
Teaching at Rome, 384 i. 
Te'gea, 106. 

Tel-el-amar'na letters, 37. 
Temple, in ancient East, 23; in Egypt, 

38; of Solomon, 48; at Athens, 

148; at Rome, 366, 368. 
Ten Commandments, 47. 
Ter'ence, 326. 
Tertul'lian, 407, 415. 
Tet'ricus, 412. 
Teu'tones, 337. 

Teutonic peoples. See "Germans." 
Tha'les, 97. 
Thap'sus, 349. 



Tha'sos, 135. 

Theatre, at Athens, in, 149, 152; 
at Rome, 293, 324 f., 388. 

Thebes (in Bceotia), in Persian wars, 
118, 122; rises against Sparta, 187; 
imperiaHstic ideal of, 188; failure, 
189; real achievement, 189; de- 
stroyed by Alexander, 209. 

Thebes, capital of Egypt, 13, 34, 38. 

Themis'tocles, 121, 123, 126, 133, 

135- 

Theoc'ritus, 232, 

Theod'oric, 429 f. 

Theodo'sius, 423 f.; penance of, 425. 

Theog'nis, 96. 

Thermop'ylai, 123 f. 

The'seus, 84. 

Thes'pis, in. 

Thessaloni'ca, 425. 

Thes'saly, tyrants of, 189. 

Thirty, at Athens, 181 f. 

Thrace, Greek colonies in, 90; 
Roman province, 378. 

Thrasybu'lus, loi. 

Thucyd'ides, the historian, 170; on 
founding of Athens, 84 f. 

Thucyd'ides, son of Mele'sias, 156. 

Thu'rii, 157. 

Thut'mose III, 35. 

Ti'ber, 242. 

Tibe'rius, 372, 374 f. 

Ti'bur, 404. 

Tici'nus, 304. 

Tiglathpile'ser III, 52 f. 

Tigra'nes, 345. 

Ti'gris, river, 5. 

Timoc'racy, 103. 

Timo'leon, 227. 

Timo'theus, 190. 

Tissapher'nes, 176, 178. 

Ti'tus, 379 f. 

To'ga, 292, 296. 

Tours, 437- 

Trades, in ancient East, 15; at 
Rome, 290. See "Industrial Ac- 
tivity." 

Tradition, meaning of, 29 n. 

Tra'jan, 397 f., 401, 403- 

Trap'ezus, 90. 



General Index 



483 



Trasime'nus, 304. 

Treaty, Ramses and Hittites, 36; 
Greek, 155 f., i79, 185 f.; Roman, 
282, 286, 301, 303, 306, 312 f. 

Tre'bia, 304. 

Tribal system, 82, 253, 436- 

Tribe, at Rome, 253, 262, 285, 332. 

Tribo'nian, 432- 

Trib'une, origin, 275 f., transfor- 
mation, 277; history, 334; Augus- 
tus as, 361 f., 366. 

Tribute. See "Taxes," "Province." 

Tri'remes, 102. 

Triumph, 288 f. 

Trium'virate, 334; first, 346; second 
360. 

Trojan war, 40, 79, 87, 254. 

Troy, 77- 

Tul'lus Hostil'ius, 255. 

Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, 13. 

Twelve Tables, law of, 277, 296. 

Tyrants, of Greece, loi f. 

Tyre, 44, 48; siege by Alexander, 212, 

Tyrrhe'nian sea, 256. 

Ul'pian, 411- 
Um'brians, 243, 282. 
Umbro-Sabellians, 243. 
University, Alexandria, 232; Athens, 

234. 
Ur, II. 
Utica, 45. 

Vale'rian, 4x2. 

Vale'rio-Horatian laws, 278. 

Van'dals, 427 f., 431- 

Var'ro, 354- 

Va'rus, 371. 

Vei'i, 271 f. 

Ven'eti, 243. 

Ve'nus, 259. 

Ver'gil, characterizes Romans, 253; 

works, 366 f. 
Vespa'sian, 378 f.; and senate, 380. 
Ves'ta, 259. 
Vesu'vius, 379. 
Vim'inal hill, 251. 



Viria'thus, 316. 

Vis'igoths, 427 f-, 431. 435 f- 

Vitel'Uus, 378. 

Vol'sci, 270, 273, 281. 

Vul'can, 259. 

Vul'gate, 438- 

Warfare, means of expansion, 11; 
development in Egypt, 34, 37; of 
Philistines, 46; in Persia, 62 f.; 
naval, 102; at Athens, 108; at 
Marathon, 119; new tactics of 
Epaminondas, 187 f.; Greek de- 
velopment in, 191 f.; Macedonian 
army, 199; tactics of Alexander, 
210 f., 214, 217, 219; army at 
Rome under Servius, 262 f.; de- 
velopment and reorganization, 
287 f.; reforms of Marius, 338; 
army under Augustus, 363; army 
supreme in Roman Empire, 409; 
improvements by Diocletian, 418. 
Wealth. See "Capitalism." 
Woman, in ancient East, 19; in 
Greece, 145 f.; at Rome, 294, 386, 

392- 
World, ideas of, in ancient East, 24; 

in Greece, 96; in Rome, 390 f. 

See "Cosmogony." 
Worship. See "Religion." 
Writing, materials, 15; systems of, 

19; in Greece, 95; in Italy, 256. 

Xenoph'anes, 97. 

Xen'ophon, 184; on Leuctra, 187; 

his works, 194 f- 
Xer'xes, 120, 122 f., 126. 

Zachari'as, 441- 

Za'gros Mts., 60. 

Za'ma, 306. 

Ze'la, 349- 

Ze'no, philosopher, 234; emperor, 

429. 
Zeno'bia, 412. 
Zeus, 88 f., 93. 
Zo'roaster, 64. 



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